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Rhetorical Perceptions in Surah Al-‘Asr

  1. Surah Al-‘Asr
  2. The Purpose of the Surah
  3. The Rhetorical Perceptions in the surah
    1. The position of the surah within its context in the Holy Quran
    2. What is the significance of the oath by time (‘asr) in this surah? 
    3. What is the significance of the pattern (خُسْر)?
    4. What are the rhetorical perceptions in the exception (اِسْتَثْنَى)?
    5. The difference between the exception in Surah Al-‘Asr and Surah Al-Tin
    6. In Surah Al-‘Asr what is وَتَوَاصَوْا۟ بِٱلْحَقِّ connected (معطوفة) to?
    7. Why did the exception use the plural not the singular i.e. “they believed” instead of “the one who believed”?
  4. Notes

This is a translation from Dr Fadhel Saleh Al-Samarra’i’s لَمَسات بَيانِيَّة لِسُوَر القُرْآن الكَرِيم ‘Rhetorical Perceptions in the Surahs of the Holy Qur’an.’ Dr Fadhel (b.1933) is a former Professor of Literature at the College of Arabic Language at the University of Sharjah. His full biography can be read here.

Surah Al-‘Asr

وَٱلْعَصْرِ

By the ˹passage of˺ time!

إِنَّ ٱلْإِنسَـٰنَ لَفِى خُسْرٍ

Surely humanity is in ˹grave˺ loss,

إِلَّا ٱلَّذِينَ ءَامَنُوا۟ وَعَمِلُوا۟ ٱلصَّـٰلِحَـٰتِ وَتَوَاصَوْا۟ بِٱلْحَقِّ وَتَوَاصَوْا۟ بِٱلصَّبْرِ

except those who have faith, do good, and urge each other to the truth, and urge each other to perseverance.

The Purpose of the Surah

This Meccan surah is remarkably concise in wording yet profound in meaning. Imam al-Shafi’i said of this surah: “If Allah Almighty had revealed nothing else in the Quran but Surah al-‘Asr, it would have sufficed for humanity.” This is because Islam ultimately rests on four pillars: iman, righteous deeds, mutual exhortation to truth (التواصي بالحق) for the sake of upholding the deen on earth, and mutual exhortation to patience (التواصي بالصبر), since upholding the deen exposes one to hardship and difficulty, requiring patience (الصبر) to endure it in the pursuit of its victory (نصرة) and the call to Allah.

Those who do not follow the path approved by Allah Almighty are among the losers, (إن الإنسان لفي خسر) “Surely humanity is in ˹grave˺ loss”.

This surah corresponds to Surah al-Fatihah, with the phrase (اهدنا الصراط المستقيم) “Guide us to the straight path” corresponding to the verses (وتواصوا بالحق وتواصوا بالصبر) “and urge each other to the truth, and urge each other to perseverance.

This surah contains all the essential elements of civilization, including the importance of time and work. Time is a fundamental factor in the rise of nations and civilizations, and thus, the importance of time, work, mutual exhortation to truth, and patience are among the most important pillars of human civilization. The oath in this surah is sworn by one of Allah Almighty’s creations, (والعصر) “By time” which refers to eternity and time, as mentioned in many verses within this section (الجزء).

The Rhetorical Perceptions in the surah

The position of the surah within its context in the Holy Quran

This surah falls between two losses. The first loss (الخُسْر) is that of those who were distracted by worldly gain before it; these people are in loss until they visit the graves i.e. Surah Al-Takathur. The second loss is in Surah Al-Humazah, concerning those who amassed wealth and counted it until they were cast into the crusher (Al-Humazah).

The first loss is the vision of Hell (لَتَرَوُنَّ ٱلْجَحِيمَ) “You will surely see Hellfire”, and the other loss is the casting into the crusher (كَلَّا ۖ لَيُنۢبَذَنَّ فِى ٱلْحُطَمَةِ) “No! He will surely be cast into the crusher”. So this surah falls between two losses. I swear that humankind is in loss except for those whom our Lord has exempted.

This is the natural order according to precedence, meaning seeing Hell before entering it. They see it, then they enter it. So, the vision of Hell is mentioned in Surah At-Takathur, then their casting into the crusher is mentioned in Surah Al-Humazah. So, first they saw it, then they were cast into it, and this is the natural order according to precedence.

Interestingly, Surah At-Takathur, in which they see Hell, is preceded by Surah Al-Qari’ah, in which “people are like scattered moths” (يَكُونُ ٱلنَّاسُ كَٱلْفَرَاشِ ٱلْمَبْثُوثِ). This precedes the vision of Hell, so the order is: they were like scattered moths, then they saw Hell, then they were cast into the Crusher. In Al-Qari’ah, people are like scattered moths, then they see Hell, then they are cast into the Crusher. Thus, it is arranged according to precedence.

Surah Al-‘Asr therefore falls between two losses: the aforementioned loss and a loss before and after it, and the suitability and appropriateness of this order is amazing.

What is the significance of the oath by time (‘asr) in this surah? 

One of the linguistic meanings of (العَصْر) is time (الدَهْر) i.e. (العُصُور) which means ages or eras. Our Lord swore by time because it is a witness to what He swore upon: (إِنَّ ٱلْإِنسَـٰنَ لَفِى خُسْرٍ) “Surely humanity is in ˹grave˺ loss.”

Time (الدَهْر) is the greatest witness, and (العَصْر) is the greatest witness to what He swore upon, which is that humanity is in loss, some of whom perished, some were killed and some were punished. Whoever gave life to a living person who did not believe was a loser in all aspects of life, except for these four qualities (belief, good deeds, encouraging truth and encouraging patience). So if you wish to know this, ask time, for it is the best witness to what He swore upon. Time is the witness that humanity is in loss, except for these categories. There is no doubt that time, history, and the ages are precise witnesses to what befell the unbelieving human beings.

One might ask why Allah did not swear by another time, such as dawn (الفَجْر) or forenoon (الضُحَى), in this surah, even though He swore by them in other places? This is because if He had sworn by them, it would not have been a phase for bearing witness. Dawn is not a phase for bearing witness, as people are still in the beginning of time so there is no witness. As for the afternoon (العصر), a long period has passed, and it has been said that it is the time of the afternoon prayer (صلاة العصر), and this is one of its meanings. Among its meanings are time and the time of the afternoon prayer, and both meanings are intended in the surah.

The afternoon prayer itself—that is, a person now, from morning until evening—has enough time to know the truth about people from the beginning of time until the afternoon. The Prophet ﷺ, as mentioned in the hadith, was sent from the afternoon until sunset. So this is a sufficient period for bearing witness, and many events occurred during it.

As for dawn, when people have not yet awakened, how can it be a witness, and how can it be evidence of their being in loss? This is not a sufficient period for indicating bearing witness. If Allah had said forenoon, the same would be true; there would not have been enough period of time for bearing witness. Dawn is the beginning of the day, and forenoon is its beginning, and likewise sunset (المغرب).

Sunset is the setting of the sun, so the setting of life and the end of the world. What would be the benefit of bearing witness? The world has passed away, and people have gone to their reckoning, so what is the point of citing evidence?

Therefore, the most appropriate time for oaths and proofs is the afternoon, a sufficient period from the beginning of the day until just before sunset. Enough time to provide evidence and indication of what a person does in this long life.

It is noteworthy that when peoples (القَوْم) are mentioned after oaths by times, there is a connection between the people and what is being sworn by. For example, when He said, (والفجر) “By the dawn,” and after mentioning the dawn, He said, (ألم تر كيف فعل ربك بعاد) “Have you not seen how your Lord dealt with ‘Ad?” and ‘Ad was among the first peoples after Noah.

When He swore by the forenoon, (والشمس وضحاها) “By the sun and its brightness,” He said, (كذبت ثمود بطغواها) “Thamud denied [the truth] through their transgression,” because Thamud came after ‘Ad, and the forenoon comes after the dawn.

Hence, there is a connection between oaths by time and peoples; when peoples are mentioned, it is a connection to the time by which the oath is sworn, as a milestone in the history of all humanity.

So, the word ‘Asr’ means both ‘time’ and ‘the time of the afternoon prayer,’ and both are intended because ‘Asr’ is the best witness to man and the loss he has caused.

What is the significance of the pattern (خُسْر)?

Allah Almighty said: إِنَّ ٱلْإِنسَـٰنَ لَفِى خُسْر “Surely humanity is in ˹grave˺ loss.” Sometimes He uses “loss,” (خُسْر) sometimes (خُسْران) and sometimes (خَسَار), so what is the significance of (خُسْر) here?

Firstly, it doesn’t say that man is a loser (خاسِر), it says that humanity is in loss (خُسْر), meaning he is falling into loss, except for those whom Allah has exempted. So, throughout his life, he is falling into loss, not just in a business transaction, but throughout his entire life, except for those whom Allah has exempted.

The term “loss” (الخُسْر) is used to denote general (عُمُوم) or absolute (مُطْلَق) loss (الخَسارَة). Every person is in a state of loss, whether small or large, except for those who possess four qualities (belief, good deeds, encouraging truth and encouraging patience). Whoever falls short in these qualities will suffer loss to the extent of that deficiency.

That is, whoever falls short in good deeds (عمل صالح) will suffer loss to the extent of that deficiency. Therefore, on the Day of Resurrection, every person will blame himself, for he could have done more of something but did not. Every believer will see that he lost something he could have done more of but did not. This is loss (خُسْر).

As for (الخَسَار), the Qur’an only used it to indicate an increase in loss (الخَسارَة). If someone is a loser and increases in loss, he is called a loser (خَسَار).

If someone is already losing and their loss increase, that’s called a (خَسَار). Therefore, the Quran uses this term for an increase (زِيادَة) in loss, meaning anything added to the loss beyond the initial loss.

Allah says,

وَنُنَزِّلُ مِنَ ٱلْقُرْءَانِ مَا هُوَ شِفَآءٌۭ وَرَحْمَةٌۭ لِّلْمُؤْمِنِينَ ۙ وَلَا يَزِيدُ ٱلظَّـٰلِمِينَ إِلَّا خَسَارًۭا

We send down the Quran as a healing and mercy for the believers, but it only increases the wrongdoers in loss.[1]

The wrongdoers (الظالِمِينَ) are in loss, so the Qur’an increases their loss. The wrongdoer is a loser and increases his loss.

وَلَا يَزِيدُ الْكَافِرِينَ كُفْرُهُمْ إِلَّا خَسَارًا

And the disbelievers’ disbelief only increases their loss.[2]

The verb “increases” (يَزِيد) here is used only to indicate further loss (خَسَار).

وَٱتَّبَعُوا۟ مَن لَّمْ يَزِدْهُ مَالُهُۥ وَوَلَدُهُۥٓ إِلَّا خَسَارًۭا

and they followed ˹instead˺ those ˹elite˺ whose ˹abundant˺ wealth and children only increase them in loss[3]

The word (خَسَار) here is used to indicate further loss.

As for the ultimate loss (الخُسْران), it is the greatest and most severe loss.

خَسِرَ الدُّنْيَا وَالْآخِرَةَ ذَلِكَ هُوَ الْخُسْرَانُ الْمُبِينُ

He has lost both this world and the Hereafter. That is the manifest loss.[4]

He has not lost anything minor or insignificant, but rather he has lost both this world and the Hereafter.

قُلْ إِنَّ الْخَاسِرِينَ الَّذِينَ خَسِرُوا أَنفُسَهُمْ وَأَهْلِيهِمْ يَوْمَ الْقِيَامَةِ أَلَا ذَلِكَ هُوَ الْخُسْرَانُ الْمُبِينُ

Say, “Indeed, the losers are those who will lose themselves and their families on the Day of Resurrection. Unquestionably, that is the manifest loss.[5]

Therefore, (الخُسْر) is absolute loss, and (الخَسَار) is an increase in loss, and (الخُسْران) is the most severe loss.

The word (الخَسَار) contains an additional “alif” to the word (الخُسْر). When loss increases, the letter “alif” is added i.e. (الخَسَار), and when loss increases further, the letter “alif” and “nun” are added i.e. (الخُسْران).

Therefore, (الخُسْر) is the beginning, and (الخَسَار) is beyond that, and (الخُسْران) is the greatest loss. The masdar (verbal noun) increases in length to indicate an increase in loss. This is a Quranic usage, and that is why Allah challenged them with it.

What are the rhetorical perceptions in the exception (اِسْتَثْنَى)?

Allah Almighty made an exception (اِسْتَثْنَى) in this verse,

إِلَّا الَّذِينَ آَمَنُوا وَعَمِلُوا الصَّالِحَاتِ وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالْحَقِّ وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالصَّبْرِ

except those who have faith, do good, and urge each other to the truth, and urge each other to perseverance.

What are the rhetorical perceptions in this verse?

Two types of righteous deeds are mentioned: self-perfection, which is “those who believe and do righteous deeds”, and the perfection of others, which is “they enjoin one another to truth and enjoin one another to patience”. Therefore, there are two types of righteous deeds: perfecting oneself through faith and good deeds, and perfecting others through enjoining one another to truth and enjoining one another to patience.

A person should not only be patient (صابِر), but also enjoin one another (يَتَواصَى) to build a society (المُجْتَمَع). They advise one another not only to be on the truth (الحَقّ) but also to be on the truth and to advise others to be on the truth, and to be patient and to advise others to be patient. They advise one another to be patient after advising one another to be on the truth, because advising one another to be on the truth sometimes creates problems, because the truth is bitter, and the one you advise to be on the truth may become angry, so he needs patience.

The one giving the advice should be patient with the harm others cause. Patience in upholding the truth, patience in abstaining from desires, patience in performing acts of obedience, patience in the harm others cause, and patience in the face of trials are all important.

The verse uses the absolute (مُطْلَق) term “patience” (الصَبْر) and does not specify patience in this particular situation. They enjoin one another to patience in general, but it comes after enjoining one another to truth, because enjoining one another to truth can lead to harm and even destruction. If you advise an oppressor, he may harm you or even kill you, and this requires patience.

Therefore, enjoining one another to truth requires enjoining one another to patience, and enjoining one another to patience is absolute – enjoining one another to be patient in upholding the truth, in obedience, in faith, in righteous deeds, in abstaining from desires and sins, and in enduring calamities and afflictions such as death and illness. All of this requires patience.

Furthermore, enjoining one another to truth implies participation, meaning that they advise one another. This involves participation in building society, each person enjoining what they know, not what they are ignorant of. A discerning person should enjoin what they know, and each person should enjoin what they know to be true and patient.

Then there is the matter of: إِلَّا الَّذِينَ آَمَنُوا وَعَمِلُوا الصَّالِحَاتِ وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالْحَقِّ وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالصَّبْرِ “Except those who believe and do righteous deeds and enjoin one another to truth and enjoin one another to patience.” It could have been said, وتواصوا بالحق والصبر “and enjoin one another to truth and patience,” or تواصوا بالحق وبالصبر “enjoin one another to truth and to patience,” but it says, وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالْحَقِّ وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالصَّبْرِ “and enjoin one another to truth and enjoin one another to patience,” repeating the verb and the preposition to emphasize the importance of each. This is the highest level of emphasis. This is more emphatic than تواصوا بالحق والصبر “enjoin one another to truth and patience,” and more emphatic than تواصوا بالحق وبالصبر “enjoin one another to truth and to patience” where the preposition “baa” is mentioned, but the verb is not. The Qur’an’s verse is the most emphatic state. This is not merely repetition in the Quran, but rather it carries a guaranteed (مُؤَكَّدَة) indication.

The difference between the exception in Surah Al-‘Asr and Surah Al-Tin

In Surah Al-‘Asr, mutual exhortation (التواصي) is mentioned, while in Surah At-Tin, mutual exhortation is not mentioned along with إِلَّا ٱلَّذِينَ ءَامَنُوا۟ وَعَمِلُوا۟ ٱلصَّـٰلِحَـٰتِ “except those who believe and do righteous deeds”. What is the significance of this?

In Surah At-Tin, regarding what saves one from the depths of Hell (النار), it says,

ثُمَّ رَدَدْنَاهُ أَسْفَلَ سَافِلِينَ إِلَّا الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَعَمِلُوا الصَّالِحَاتِ

 “Then We reduced him to the lowest of the low except for those who believe and do righteous deeds.”

This is sufficient to escape the depths of Hell. This is the minimum that will bring him out of the depths of Hell and into Paradise, but it does not save him from loss (خُسر) because he could have attained more. If he neglects something, he certainly loses something. If he neglects enjoining one another to truth or neglects enjoining one another to patience, he loses something. Enjoining one another to truth is a good deed, so neglecting it results in loss.

In Surah At-Tin, the minimum that saves one from Hell and admits him to Paradise is mentioned. What saves one from the lowest of the low? Faith and righteous deeds. Therefore, there is no need for enjoining one another to truth and righteous deeds.

In Surah Al-‘Asr what is وَتَوَاصَوْا۟ بِٱلْحَقِّ connected (معطوفة) to?

This is connected to the relative clause (صِلَة المَوْصُول), and all of these are related to the relative clause ءَامَنُوا۟ وَعَمِلُوا۟ ٱلصَّـٰلِحَـٰتِ وَتَوَاصَوْا۟ بِٱلْحَقِّ وَتَوَاصَوْا۟ بِٱلصَّبْرِ “they believed and did righteous deeds and advised one another to truth and advised one another to patience”.

Why did the exception use the plural not the singular i.e. “they believed” instead of “the one who believed”?

The word “humanity” (الإِنْسان) is a generic term, not referring to a single individual. It doesn’t denote one specific person, but rather it is a generic noun (اِسْم جِنْس), and a generic term encompasses many, not just one. It indicates the generality of the species (جِنْس) and does not refer to a particular person.

We have the definite article “al-” (the) of generic meaning (أل الجِنْسِيَّة) and the definite article of a specific meaning (أل العهدية), as in “I bought the book.” Allah says,

وَبَدَأَ خَلْقَ الْإِنسَانِ مِن طِينٍ

And He began the creation of man from clay[6]

“Humanity” (الإِنْسان) here does not refer to one person as it starts with (أل الجِنْسِيَّة). “Humanity” encompasses the entire species and you can select from it whomever you wish. Those who believe are an exception to this category, which is larger than these.

فَمِنْهُمْ شَقِيٌّ وَسَعِيدٌ

Some of them will be miserable, others joyful.[7]

Those who are miserable (شقوا) are a group (jins), not just one. That is why Allah said,

فَأَمَّا الَّذِينَ شَقُواْ فَفِي النَّارِ لَهُمْ فِيهَا زَفِيرٌ وَشَهِيقٌ

As for those bound for misery, they will be in the Fire, where they will be sighing and gasping[8]

وَأَمَّا الَّذِينَ سُعِدُواْ فَفِي الْجَنَّةِ خَالِدِينَ فِيهَا

And as for those destined to joy, they will be in Paradise, staying there forever[9]

Thus, creation is such that some are miserable and some are joyful. Allah intended the species (الجنس), and the species is more general than the plural. A plural can be a group within the species, so men are a group within the human species. Therefore, the species is broader, and that is why we have the concept of the entire species (استغراق الجنس).

This is why when Allah says, (الذين آمنوا) “Those who believe,” they are a group of the species, and there are others.

He said, (وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالْحَقِّ) “And they enjoin one another to truth”. There is more than one person who advises others, otherwise how could they advise each other? So when He said, (إِلَّا الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا) “Except those who believe,” this is a general term (الجنس), and when He said, (وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالْحَقِّ) “And enjoin one another to truth,” it implies that there is more than one.

Therefore, “Humanity” (الإِنْسان) is a generic noun (اِسْم جِنْس) that denotes plurality (الجَمْع) and is more general. Even in grammar (النَحْو), when you use the negative particle “la” (لا النافية) for the entire category (الجنس), where you say “no man” (لا رَجُل) it negates the entire genus, and is broader than saying “no men” (لا رِجال).

When one says “no men,” (لا رِجال) the plural is negated, but the singular and dual are not negated. But when we say “no man,” (لا رَجُل) the plural, singular, and dual are negated. “No man” negates the entire genus, not one, not two, not more, but is absolute (مُطْلَقَة).

Notes


[1] Surah Al-Isra’, ayah 82

[2] Surah Al-Fatir, ayah 39

[3] Surah Nuh, ayah 21

[4] Surah Al-Hajj, ayah 11

[5] Surah Al-Zumar, ayah 15

[6] Surah As-Sajdah, ayah 7

[7] Surah Hud, ayah 105

[8] Surah Hud, ayah 106

[9] Surah Hud, ayah 108

War and Peace in Islam: Non-Muslims entering Muslim lands

Continuing our series on War and Peace in Islam, some of the extreme Jihadi-Salafi groups in Iraq began killing Christians and destroying their churches, in a country which was the heartland of the Abbasid Caliphate for 511 years. ISIS went even further and started to enslave Yazidis, whose existence pre-dates Islam and who managed to survive 1300 years of caliphal rule. A few years of ISIS ‘rule’ however and they nearly became extinct. This is evidence enough that there is nothing Islamic about ISIS let alone its claim to the caliphate.

  1. Categories of non-Muslims entering Muslim lands
  2. The protection granted by one Muslim is binding on everyone in the state
  3. What happens if non-Muslims enter an Islamic land without an Amān?
  4. Notes

Categories of non-Muslims entering Muslim lands

There are four main categories of non-Muslims entering either a caliphate or Muslim country. These are:

  1. Mu’ahid
  2. Must’amin
  3. Ambassadors, diplomats, consuls and envoys
  4. Dhimmi

The Mu’ahid is a citizen of a foreign state with which the state has a treaty. The citizens of this state (mu’ahideen) can enter without a passport or visa if this is reciprocated to the citizens of the Muslim state.[15]

The Must’amin is a citizen of a foreign state with which the Muslim country has no treaty. The citizens of these states can enter, but only with a passport and valid visa. Once they have received a valid visa and enter the state, they are termed Must’amin.[16]

The Ambassadors, diplomats, consuls and envoys from the foreign states have diplomatic immunity and the rules of Islam do not apply on them, unless they engage in disruptive and terrorist activities, in which case they have broken their Amān and will be expelled.[18]

Non-Muslim citizens of an Islamic state are referred to as dhimmi. The word dhimmi is derived from the Arabic word dhimmah, which means pledge or covenant (‘ahd).[17]

In terms of their right of protection a Mu’ahid, Must’amin and Dhimmi are the same.

The Prophet Muhammad ﷺ said:

مَنْ قَتَلَ نَفْسًا مُعَاهَدًا لَمْ يَرَحْ رَائِحَةَ الْجَنَّةِ، وَإِنَّ رِيحَهَا يُوجَدُ مِنْ مَسِيرَةِ أَرْبَعِينَ عَامًا

“Whoever killed a Mu’ahid shall not smell the fragrance of Paradise though its fragrance can be smelt at a distance of forty years (of traveling).”[1]

He ﷺ also said,

أَلاَ مَنْ ظَلَمَ مُعَاهِدًا أَوِ انْتَقَصَهُ أَوْ كَلَّفَهُ فَوْقَ طَاقَتِهِ أَوْ أَخَذَ مِنْهُ شَيْئًا بِغَيْرِ طِيبِ نَفْسٍ فَأَنَا حَجِيجُهُ يَوْمَ الْقِيَامَةِ

Whoever wrongs a Mu’ahid, violates his rights, burdens him with more work than he can do, or takes something from him without his consent, I will be his prosecutor on the Day of Resurrection.[2]

The famous Maliki jurist, Shaha al-Deen al-Qarafi says, “The covenant of protection (dhimmah) imposes upon us certain obligations toward the ahl al-dhimmah. They are our neighbours, under our shelter and protection upon the guarantee of Allah, His Messenger ﷺ, and the religion of Islam. Whoever violates these obligations against any one of them by so much as an abusive word, by slandering his reputation, or by doing him some injury or assisting in it, has breached the guarantee of Allah, His Messenger ﷺ, and the religion of Islam.”[3]

The treaties of dhimmah which were agreed to and signed by the previous caliphate are still in force to this day.

Dr. Muhammad Khayr Haykal says, “Therefore, the non-Muslim citizens of the Islamic lands today are the sons of those who contracted the Dhimmah with the Imam of the Muslims or his deputy. As long as the contract of Dhimmah is permanent then this dictates that those sons today in the age where the Islamic State is not present and the Imam of the Muslims is absent, still enjoy the status of the Ahlu-dh-Dhimmah and the Ahkaam (rulings) related to the Ahlu-dh-Dhimmah are the same as what they were with their forefathers in the time when the Islamic State and the Imam of the Muslims were present.”[4]

The protection granted by one Muslim is binding on everyone in the state

The Messenger of Allah ﷺ said,

وَذِمَّةُ الْمُسْلِمِينَ وَاحِدَةٌ يَسْعَى بِهَا أَدْنَاهُمْ فَمَنْ أَخْفَرَ مُسْلِمًا فَعَلَيْهِ لَعْنَةُ اللَّهِ وَالْمَلاَئِكَةِ وَالنَّاسِ أَجْمَعِينَ لاَ يُقْبَلُ مِنْهُ يَوْمَ الْقِيَامَةِ عَدْلٌ وَلاَ صَرْفٌ

“The protection (dhimmah) granted by Muslims is one and must be respected by the humblest of them. And he who broke the covenant made by a Muslim, there is a curse of Allah, of his angels, and of the whole people upon him, and neither an obligatory act nor a supererogatory act would be accepted from him as recompense on the Day of Resurrection.”[5]

It is not just the government of a Muslim country or caliph that can provide protection. Every Muslim whether male or female has that right within the framework of national security. No one can give protection to terrorists and spies, and those seeking to create fasad (corruption) in the land.

This dhimmah is not the same as the dhimmah which results in someone becoming a citizen. No one has the right to provide citizenship or issue visas except the state. The type of protection mentioned by the hadith is a temporary protection in order to safeguard a civilian or prisoner of war from harm.

What happens if non-Muslims enter an Islamic land without an Amān?

Some have misapplied classical fatawa on to tourists, media and aid workers who enter Muslim territories. In 1998, the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army kidnapped 16 western tourists in Yemen. Twelve were rescued but four were killed during the rescue mission.[6] In 2014, ISIS executed the British aid worker Alan Henning on fake charges of “spying”.[7]

One prominent preacher in 1990s London said, “If a kafir person (non-believer) goes in a Muslim country, he is like a cow. Anybody can take him. That is the Islamic law.” He also said, “If a kafir is walking by and you catch him, he’s booty. You can sell him in the market. Most of them are spies. And even if they don’t do anything, if Muslims cannot take them and sell them in the market, you just kill them. It’s OK.”[8] He is speaking here about those soldiers and spies i.e. combatants from a warring country who enter without a valid Amān. During World War One, Britain executed 11 German spies at the Tower of London.[9] No one would see this as controversial as its war. If however, a British citizen had been involved in assisting the spies then this is clear cut treason.

It’s important to note that Islamic fiqh (jurisprudence) is a scholar’s interpretation of the sharia. The word fiqh itself means understanding. As highlighted in a previous article, there are a multitude of fatawas related to the topic of war in Islam. To reiterate the point again, none of these apply when there is no war such as a treaty between countries.

With regards to ‘finding’ a disbeliever in an Islamic land, Ahmed Al-Dawoody outlines the strongest position in this regard. “Furthermore, interestingly enough, Ibn Qudāmah [d.1223CE] advocates that the mere fact of the enemy belligerent’s attempt to peacefully enter Muslim territory entitles him to amān. Ibn Qudāmah states that the enemy’s action in itself signifies that he assumes he will be safe and this resembles the case of amān granted by a gesture from a Muslim.[10] In other words, what Ibn Qudāmah is advocating here is that enemy belligerents are automatically entitled to the status of amān if they ever require it. He thus envisages the case of an enemy belligerent who is captured inside Muslim territory and then claims that he came as a musta’min. In this case, Ibn Qudāmah argues that if the enemy was not carrying weapons upon his capture, he is entitled to amān because this is an indication that he did not come to commit acts of war. This situation is similar to the modern act of carrying a white flag. But if an enemy belligerent is caught carrying weapons upon his capture, his claim to amān is unacceptable because his weapons indicate that he came as a ‘warrior.’”[11]

Ibn Qudamah mentions that only the caliph and his deputies (governors and wazirs) can conclude treaties, grant citizenship and declare ceasefires. The Imam is the commander-in-chief and has full authority in foreign policy affairs.

فإن هادنهم غير الإمام أو نائبه، لم يصح. وإن دخل بعضهم دار الإسلام بهذا الصلح، كان آمنا؛ لأنه دخل معتقدا للأمان، ويرد إلى دار الحرب، ولا يقر في دار الإسلام؛ لأن الأمان لم يصح

“If someone other than the Imam or his deputy makes a truce (hudna) with them, it is invalid. If some of them enter the land of Islam under this truce (sulh), they are considered safe, because they entered believing in the guarantee of safety (Amān). However, they are returned to the land of war (Dar al-Harb) and are not allowed to remain in the land of Islam, because the Amān was not valid.”[12]

It’s clear here that if we ‘find’ non-Muslim civilians in an Islamic land, then they are automatically protected. If they don’t have a valid visa then they will be deported. This is no different to any state in the world today.

This would also apply to foreign troops and intelligence agencies that exist in Muslim countries. The current regime may have provided an Amān to them which is upheld, but a new Islamic government will order their immediate expulsion.

In January 2023, Burkina Faso’s government formally announced the termination of its military agreement with France. This decision required the withdrawal of approximately 400 French special forces personnel from the country within a one-month period.[13]

Abdul-Qadeem Zallum (d.2003) mentioned the normative Islamic position with regards the Amān after the 1998 American embassy bombing in Tanzania. This caused some anger in Jihadi-Salafi circles who were operating in ‘Londonistan’ at the time. “We do not mean that by taking America as an enemy that we bomb the embassies or attack the people. Because Islam orders us to protect the covenant of protection (Amān) for whoever we gave it to. But when America hits us on our own ground and destroys our factories and homes and kills us without respecting any ties or covenants as if we are insects that have no sanctity or dignity, without any justification, in addition to her previous aggression, what would the world expect of Muslims?

However, we do not call for the Islamic peoples to take revenge from those to whom we gave a covenant of protection (Amān) in our lands. We rather say the Muslims rulers must treat America and those who supported her as an arrogant enemy, by severing the relationships, closing down the embassies, stopping all trade and all dealings, expelling their citizens, and freezing their assets.

More importantly, the Muslim’s rulers must abolish any more political treaties and expel all military forces and to close down any military. They must also close their waters, lands and spaces to entry or passage from any of the enemy states. They have also to break off any influence and remove any agent or spy for these states in the Islamic lands.”[14]

Notes


[1] Sahih al-Bukhari 6914, https://sunnah.com/bukhari:6914

[2] Sunan Abi Dawud 3052, https://sunnah.com/abudawud:3052

[3] Al-Qarafi, Al-Furuq, https://shamela.ws/book/2215/472

[4] Muhammad Khayr Haykal, ‘Al-Jihad wa’l Qital fi as-Siyasa ash-Shar’iyya,’ vol.1, The Ninth Study

[5] Agreed Upon, Narrated by Ali ibn Abi Talib, Sahih Muslim 1370a https://sunnah.com/muslim:1370a ; Sahih al-Bukhari 6755 https://sunnah.com/bukhari:6755

[6] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/December_1998_tourist_kidnappings_in_Yemen

[7] https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2014/oct/03/alan-henning-isis-syria-video-murder

[8] Richard Watson, Granta 103: The Rise of the British Jihad, Autumn 2008

[9] https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-25654341

[10] Ibn Qudāmah, Al- Kāfī, Vol. 4, p. 163. https://shamela.ws/book/21731/1333

[11] Ibid; Ahmed Al-Dawoody, ‘The Islamic Law of War: Justifications and Regulations,’ Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, p.133

[12] Ibn Qudamah, Al-Mughni, https://shamela.ws/book/8463/4212

[13] https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/burkina-faso-marks-official-end-french-military-operations-its-soil-2023-02-19/

[14] Writings of Abdul-Qadeem Zallum, 28 Aug 1998 

[15] The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol.7, Leiden E.J. Brill, 1991, p.250

[16] The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol.1, Leiden E.J. Brill, 1991, p.429

[17] The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol.2, Leiden E.J. Brill, 1991, p.227

[18] Nu’aym ibn Mas’ud narrates: I heard the Messenger of Allah ﷺ say when they (messengers sent by Musaylimah) read the letter of Musaylimah: “What do you believe yourselves?” They said: “We believe as he believes.” He said: “I swear by Allah that were it not that messengers are not killed, I would have struck your necks.” [Sunan Abi Dawud 2761, https://sunnah.com/abudawud:2761]

Did Al-ʿAbbās spy in Makkah for the Islamic State in Medina?

  1. Background
  2. Second Pledge of Al-Aqaba
  3. Imprisoned at Badr
  4. Informing the Prophet ﷺ of the Quraysh’s plans prior to Uhud
  5. The Final Emigrant
  6. When did Al-ʿAbbās convert to Islam?
  7. Al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Alat lied to retrieve his wealth in Makkah
  8. Nu’aym ibn Abdullah remained living as a Muslim in Makkah
  9. Muslims are not a fifth column
  10. Notes

According to some historians Al-ʿAbbās remained in Makkah after his conversion to Islam in order to inform the Prophet ﷺ of the events in the city i.e. spying. Some may misconstrue this as an evidence to permit Muslim citizens of non-Islamic lands to spy for a future caliphate, even though this is a clear breach of their Aman (citizenship and residency status).

Al-ʿAbbās ibn Abd al-Muttalib (May Allah be pleased with him) was the Prophet Muhammad’s ﷺ uncle. When the Prophet ﷺ migrated to Medina to establish the Islamic State, Al-ʿAbbās remained behind in Makkah as he hadn’t converted to Islam at this point in time. Just before the Conquest of Makkah, he converted to Islam and made hijra to Medina as the final emigrant, giving him a high status among the sahaba compared to those who converted after the conquest.

Allah (Most High) says,

لَا يَسْتَوِى مِنكُم مَّنْ أَنفَقَ مِن قَبْلِ ٱلْفَتْحِ وَقَـٰتَلَ ۚ أُو۟لَـٰٓئِكَ أَعْظَمُ دَرَجَةًۭ مِّنَ ٱلَّذِينَ أَنفَقُوا۟ مِنۢ بَعْدُ وَقَـٰتَلُوا۟

Those of you who donated and fought before the victory ˹over Mecca˺ are unparalleled. They are far greater in rank than those who donated and fought afterwards.[1]

Background

“Al-ʿAbbās was the most generous man of the Quraish. Moreover, he was good to his relatives and maintained the bond of kinship! Moreover, he was an extremely intelligent man. His intelligence was tinged with craftiness. This, along with his high station among the Quraish, enabled him to avert mischief and abuse against the Prophet ﷺ when he began to invite people openly to embrace Islam.”[2]

Al-ʿAbbās was one of the leaders of the Prophet’s ﷺ tribe Banū Hāshim, which had been persecuted for years by the other clans of Quraysh. A few years prior they had been expelled from Makkah and boycotted for three gruelling years. At the Battle of Badr members of Banu Hashim including Al-ʿAbbās had been forced to accompany the army and fight the Muslims against their will. This is why the Prophet ﷺ instructed the sahaba that certain people should not be killed in the battle, such as the youth of the Banū Hāshim, who were forced to attend.

Therefore, any discussion concerning the topic of Al-Amān (الأَمان) which means a security covenant, needs to be understood in light of the tribal structure of pre-Islamic Makkah, where the modern concept of citizenship did not exist. The Quraysh knew fully well that Al-ʿAbbās loved his nephew deeply and his loyalty lay with the Muslims, but they tolerated his presence in Makkah as either he was not Muslim, or did not declare his Islam openly.

Second Pledge of Al-Aqaba

Just before the hijra, the Prophet ﷺ met the Aws and Khazraj tribes at Al-Aqaba in Mina, during the last days of the Hajj. This was a top-secret meeting where 75 Muslims from Aws and Khazraj managed to slip away during the dead of night from their camp in Mina,[3] to meet the Prophet ﷺ and give him their bay’ah (pledge of allegiance). Despite the secrecy Al-ʿAbbās who was not Muslim accompanied the Prophet ﷺ and participated in the event. This shows that Al-ʿAbbās was assisting Islam even as a non-Muslim. Therefore his actions of spying in Makkah which helped the Muslims, could easily have been done while he was a non-Muslim.

Imprisoned at Badr

Al-ʿAbbās was taken prisoner by the Muslims at Badr, and then claimed he was a Muslim so he shouldn’t be freed and not ransomed for money like the other prisoners.

“Al-ʿAbbās approached the Prophet and said, “O Messenger of Allah, why is there a ransom on me when I am a Muslim?” The Prophet said, “Allah knows best as to whether your Islam is true.” In other words, it may be true, but we must judge according to the apparent. He continued, “If what you say is true, Allah will give you something better.” Al-ʿAbbās replied, “O Messenger of Allah, you put my ransom as 4,000 dirhams, but I do not have that much money.” The Prophet replied, “Where is the money that you and Umm al-Faḍl (his wife) hid on such-and-such day? You said to her, ‘If I ever die, this money will go to our children.’ Where is that money?” Al-ʿAbbās immediately responded, “I swear by the One Who sent you with the Truth that you are the Messenger of Allah. No-one knew about that!”[4]

Yasir Qadhi comments on this, “Al-ʿAbbās was a self-proclaimed Muslim, but perhaps certainty did not enter his heart until that moment.”[5]

Informing the Prophet ﷺ of the Quraysh’s plans prior to Uhud

It’s important to note that there is no explicit evidence in the seerah that the Prophet ﷺ ordered Al-ʿAbbās or any other Muslim residing in Makkah to spy on Quraysh. The primary evidence used by the historians, to extrapolate that Al-ʿAbbās remained behind in Makkah as a ‘spy’ is the Battle of Uhud. Al-ʿAbbās informed the Prophet ﷺ that the army of Quraysh was heading to Medina.

“As soon as the Quraysh left, al-ʿAbbās sent a trusted servant to inform the Prophet ﷺ. Al-ʿAbbās expressed his īmān to the Prophet after Badr, but it is theorised that he returned to Mecca as a secret Muslim, formally converting in public at the Conquest of Mecca. The benefits of his clandestine belief in Mecca are clearly demonstrated in this example where he was able to notify the Prophet of major developments. The messenger raced to Medina, and as a lone rider was able to overtake the army. He reached the Prophet who asked Ubayy ibn Kaʿb to read the letter and instructed him to keep the contents top-secret until further notice. The Prophet rushed home and met with senior members of the Anṣār then sent out some spies to confirm the news. The Prophet did not distrust al-ʿAbbās, but the developments were so significant that wisdom would dictate one act with caution and avoid hastiness. The Prophet’s conduct is once again a vital lesson for the believer.”[6]

Al-ʿAbbās informed the Prophet ﷺ of the army’s departure of his own volition. If Al-ʿAbbās was not Muslim then this would explain why the Prophet ﷺ verified the information. We have already seen at Badr where the Prophet ﷺ responded to Al-ʿAbbās’s claims of being Muslim, “Allah knows best as to whether your Islam is true.”

The Final Emigrant

If Al-ʿAbbās was indeed an official spy for the Islamic State in Medina, then him staying in Makkah and providing intelligence for the upcoming conquest would have proved invaluable. It is clear from the seerah, however that Al-ʿAbbās did not know about the conquest which is why he embarked on his hijra and met the army on the way to Medina.

“The Muslims embarked, and as they passed by the valley of Juḥfah, less than a quarter of the way, they encountered the uncle of the Prophet ﷺ, Al-ʿAbbās ibn ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib. He was completely unaware of the expedition and was emigrating to Medina as a Muslim. Allah honoured him as the last human being to be counted amongst the Emigrants. As the Prophet said, “There is no Emigration after the Conquest.” The Prophet rejoiced immensely then instructed Al-ʿAbbās to take his family to Medina and join the army.”[7]

When did Al-ʿAbbās convert to Islam?

Despite the incident at Badr where he proclaimed his Islam, the historians still differ on whether he truly accepted Islam at this point or not.

Yasir Qadhi discusses that “There are various opinions as to when exactly al-ʿAbbās accepted Islam. Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr argues that he accepted Islam just before Khaybar, Ibn Ḥajar believes that he accepted Islam at this point i.e., just before the Conquest [of Makkah], and Ibn Kathīr maintains that he was living in Mecca as a Muslim but concealed his faith outwardly at the behest of the Prophet ﷺ. The evidence is not entirely clear, but it can be definitively said that his heart softened towards Islam at the Battle of Badr, though the exact time of conversion may be ambiguous.”[8]

Ibn Hajar (d.1449) says, “His conversion to Islam, according to the most widely accepted view, occurred before the conquest of Mecca, though some say it was even before that, which is not far-fetched, as there is support for this in the hadith of Anas concerning the story of Al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Alat. However, Abu Rafi’s statement in the story of Badr, “It is as if Islam entered upon us, the family of the Prophet,” does not indicate that al-‘Abbas converted at that time.”[9]

In my opinion, it seems Ibn Hajar is correct and that Al-ʿAbbās converted to Islam just before the Conquest of Makkah, which is why he emigrated at this time and not before. Any ‘spying’ he undertook would have been as a non-Muslim and so not subject to the rules of the sharia.

Al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Alat lied to retrieve his wealth in Makkah

Ibn Hajar mentions the story of Al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Alat as an evidence to indicate that Al-ʿAbbās may have been Muslim after the Battle of Khaybar. Who is Al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Alat?

Al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Alat al-Sulami had wealth in Makkah while he was still a polytheist. He embraced Islam on the day of Khaybar, and he feared that if the polytheists of Makkah learned of his conversion, they would deny his debts. The Prophet ﷺ gave him permission to lie so he could enter Makkah and collect his wealth. He was not permitted to do more than this such as taking wealth that did not belong to him or attacking the Quraysh. This incident also cannot be used as an evidence to breach an Amān.

The lie Al-Hajjaj told to Quraysh concerned the Prophet ﷺ at the Battle of Khaybar where he said that, “He suffered a defeat the likes of which you have never heard, and his companions were killed in a manner the likes of which you have never heard, and Muhammad was taken prisoner.”[10]

This obviously greatly distressed Al-ʿAbbās. Al-Hajjaj said, “When I had finished gathering everything I owned in Makkah and was ready to leave, I met Al-ʿAbbās and said, “Remember what I say, Abu al-Fadl, for I fear being pursued for three days. Then say whatever you wish.” He said: “I will.” I said: “By Allah, I left your nephew as a bridegroom to the daughter of their king, meaning Safiyya bint Huyayy, and he conquered Khaybar and seized all that was in it, and it became his and his companions.”

He said: “What are you saying, Hajjaj?” I said: “Yes, by Allah, so keep it a secret from me. I have embraced Islam and I only came to take my money, fearing that I would be overpowered by it. When three days have passed, reveal your affair, for by Allah it will be as you wish.”

He said: When the third day came, Al-ʿAbbās put on his best clothes and made himself well, and took his staff, then went out until he came to the Kaaba, and circumambulated it. When they saw him, they said: “O Abu al-Fadl, this is by Allah the fortitude for the heat of the calamity.” He said: “No, by Allah by whom you swore, Muhammad conquered Khaybar and left [as a bridegroom] to the daughter of their king, and seized their wealth and all that was in it, so it became his and his companions.”

They said: “Who brought you this news?” He said: “The one who brought you what he brought, and he entered upon you as a Muslim, and took his money, and set off to join Muhammad and his companions, and be with him.”

They said: “O servants of Allah! The enemy of Allah has escaped. By Allah, if we had known, we would have had something to do with him.” He said: “And it was not long before the news of that [Khaybar’s defeat] came to them.”[11]

Therefore Al-ʿAbbās kept Al-Hajjaj’s secret and didn’t reveal the truth for three days, that the Muslims had won a great victory at Khaybar. The fact that Al-ʿAbbās kept Al-Hajjaj’s secret is not evidence that he was Muslim at this time. Al-ʿAbbās had already kept the great secret of the Second Pledge of Al-Aqaba and he certainly was not Muslim at that time.

In terms of the fiqh surrounding this story, why was Al-Hajjaj allowed to lie when its clearly established from the hadith that lying is only permitted in three instances? Umm Kulthum bint ‘Uqbah said, “I never heard him [Prophet ﷺ] giving permission of lying in anything except in three: war, reconciling between people, and the conversation of the man with his wife, and the conversation of a woman with her husband.”[12]

According to Taqiuddin Al-Nabhani (d.1977), Al-Hajjaj was allowed to lie because Makkah was Dar Al-Harb Fi’lan, meaning a land of active war. He says, “As for what Ahmad and An-Nisai narrated from the tale of Al-Hajjaj bin ‘llat in his seeking permission to say about him whatever he wished for his benefit in rescuing his property from the people of Makkah. The Prophet ﷺ gave him permission and he informed the people of Makkah that Khaybar had defeated the Muslims; this also enters into the situation of war because the people of Makkah were in a situation of active war with the Muslims. Al-Hajjaj bin ‘Ilat was from the Muslims and he was going to the enemy disbelievers who were in the situation of active war, so lying was allowed against them.”[13]

The Sheikh is mistaken here because Makkah at this time was not in active war with the Muslims, because this event occurred after the Treaty of Hudaibiyah. Rather, his lying was a dispensation (rukhsa) similar to what the Messenger of Allah ﷺ granted to Hind, the wife of Abu Sufyan. Hind took her husband’s wealth without permission because he was stingy and not providing enough for her care.

It was narrated that ‘Aishah said: Hind came to the Prophet ﷺ and said: “O Messenger of Allah, Abu Sufyan is a stingy man and he does not give me enough for me and my child, except for what I take from his wealth without him realizing.” He said: خُذِيمَايَكْفِيكِ وَوَلَدَكِ بِالْمَعْرُوفِ “Take what is sufficient for you and your child, on a reasonable basis.”[14]

The general principle is that a woman is not permitted to steal from her husband’s wealth, or take from it without his knowledge if he does not give her permission. However, if a man withholds sufficient maintenance from his wife and children, they have a right to it according to what is customary (بِالْمَعْرُوفِ) among people of their status. These dispensations are not specific to al-Hajjaj or Hind, but are general for all Muslims.

To reiterate the point, this is not an evidence that someone can lie in order to cheat, commit criminal behaviour or breach an Amān.

Nu’aym ibn Abdullah remained living as a Muslim in Makkah

Nu’aym ibn Abdullah stayed in Makkah as a Muslim until the 6th year of the Hijra during the time of the Hudaibiyah treaty, protected by his tribe Banu Adi ibn Ka’b. Nu’aym used to provide for the poor of his tribe each month.[15]

Ibn Sa’d narrates that “[Nu’aym ibn Abdullah] remained in Makkah, surrounded by his people because of his high standing among them. When the Muslims migrated to Medina, he wanted to emigrate as well, but his people clung to him, saying, “Adhere to whatever religion you wish and stay with us.” So he stayed in Makkah until the sixth year (of the Hijra), when he migrated to Medina with forty of his family. He came to the Messenger of Allah ﷺ as a Muslim, and the Prophet embraced and kissed him.”[16]

The Prophet ﷺ said to him: “Your people were better to you than my people to me. My people forced me to leave and wanted to kill me, while your people protected you and prevented (harm from reaching) you.” He said: “O Messenger of Allah, rather your people forced you to leave to the obedience of Allah and fighting His enemies, but my people hindered me from emigration and the obedience of Allah.”[17]

Nu’aym never spied on Quraysh, or informed the Prophet ﷺ of events in Makkah.

Muslims are not a fifth column

Only Allah knows the exact time of Al-ʿAbbās’s conversion. What is important in this discussion is that it’s not used as an evidence to justify treachery by those who look back to the Islamic evidences in an attempt to justify their criminal activities.

Muslims living in non-Muslim countries are not a ‘fifth column’ who will become the future caliph’s spies, providing sensitive and secret information to the caliph, or worse still undertaking subversive and disruptive activities to undermine the country they abide in.

The role of the Islamic activists will be to clarify the inevitable lies and distortions that will be thrown at the caliphate and sharia. These activities are simply a continuance of what is occurring today where mainstream media and politicians peddle lie after lie against the religion.

The activities of the Muslim converts of the early 20th century – Abdullah Quilliam and Marmaduke Pickthall – are good examples of how Muslims would conduct themselves in a period where the caliphate is in existence. Letter writing, speeches, magazines, forming associations, lobbying government, and all forms of media were utilised by them to promote their message.

Anne Fremantle (d.2002) who wrote a biography on Marmaduke Pickthall called ‘Loyal Enemy’ says, “Marmaduke was helplessly in England most of this time, trying frantically to rally such elements in England as were pro-Turk. Himself a Disraelite Tory[18], he clung to such men as Aubrey Herbert, who shared his views, and who, being in Parliament, could give tongue to them. Marmaduke plagued all the politicians he could, wrote in whatever papers would take his stuff.”[19]

Before he formally accepted Islam,[20] “Marmaduke and a few friends together founded, in the early autumn of 1913, the Anglo-Ottoman Society ‘to advocate a political and commercial understanding between Great Britain and Turkey and firmly to oppose encroachment on the Ottoman Empire.’[21]

Even though they used perfectly legal means to speak about Islam and defend the Ottoman Caliphate, Abdullah Quilliam and Marmaduke Pickthall were still seen as ‘traitors’ by some in the media and parliament, and British intelligence was monitoring them. This will always be the case if someone is speaking against the status quo as we saw in the Makkan phase of the da’wah. Allah (Most High) says,

يُريدونَ لِيُطفِئوا نورَ اللَّهِ بِأَفواهِهِم وَاللَّهُ مُتِمُّ نورِهِ وَلَو كَرِهَ الكافِرونَ

They desire to extinguish Allah’s Light with their mouths but Allah will perfect His Light, though the disbelievers hate it.[22]

Despite this the da’wah needs to continue in accordance with the Islamic method of preaching outlined in the Qur’an. Allah (Most High) says,

ٱدْعُ إِلَىٰ سَبِيلِ رَبِّكَ بِٱلْحِكْمَةِ وَٱلْمَوْعِظَةِ ٱلْحَسَنَةِ ۖ وَجَـٰدِلْهُم بِٱلَّتِى هِىَ أَحْسَنُ ۚ إِنَّ رَبَّكَ هُوَ أَعْلَمُ بِمَن ضَلَّ عَن سَبِيلِهِۦ ۖ وَهُوَ أَعْلَمُ بِٱلْمُهْتَدِينَ

Invite ˹all˺ to the Way of your Lord with wisdom and kind advice, and only debate with them in the best manner. Surely your Lord ˹alone˺ knows best who has strayed from His Way and who is ˹rightly˺ guided.[23]

Notes


[1] Holy Qur’an, Surah Al-Hadid, ayah 10

[2] Muhammad Khalid Khalid, ‘Men Around the Messenger’

[3] Not all of the Aws and Khazraj tribes had converted at this time.

[4] Yasir Qadhi, ‘The Sirah of the Prophet ﷺ,’ The Islamic Foundation, 2023, The Battle of Badr

[5] Ibid

[6] Yasir Qadhi, ‘The Sirah of the Prophet ﷺ,’ The Islamic Foundation, 2023, The Battle of Uḥud

[7] Yasir Qadhi, ‘The Sirah of the Prophet ﷺ,’ The Islamic Foundation, 2023, The Final Emigrant; Ibn Hisham, https://shamela.ws/book/23833/1137

[8] Yasir Qadhi, ‘The Sirah of the Prophet ﷺ,’ The Islamic Foundation, 2023, The Final Emigrant

[9] Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī, Fatḥ al-Bārī https://shamela.ws/book/1673/3905

[10] Ibn Hisham, https://shamela.ws/book/23833/1082#p1

[11] Ibid

[12] Riyad as-Salihin 249, https://sunnah.com/riyadussalihin:249

[13] Taqiuddin Al-Nabhani, ‘The Islamic Personality,’ translation of Shakhsiya Islamiyya, Vol.2, Fifth Edition, 2003, p.171

[14] Sunan Ibn Majah 2293, https://sunnah.com/ibnmajah:2293

[15] Ibn Sa’d, Tabaqat, https://shamela.ws/book/1686/1249

[16] Ibn Sa’d, Tabaqat, https://shamela.ws/book/1686/1249

[17] https://hadithportal.com/index.php?show=hadith&h_id=2313&uid=0&sharh=31&book=33&bab_id=1485

[18] Disraeli was considered Pro-Turk i.e. Pro Muslim and Ottoman as opposed to Gladstone. “Disraeli, in his speech at the Guildhall dinner as Minister of Foreign Affairs, nearly thirty years before, declared Turkey to be our essential ally against Russian imperialistic ambition, the neutral focus of all our Eastern policy. And his policy was not new. The Russian menace had already alarmed Palmerston, who declared categorically that the only chance of fair treatment for all the peoples dwelling in the Ottoman Empire lay in our support of an enlightened Turkish Government. Disraeli was a seer ; his successors mere opportunists. For the seer, even a century seems no great while to wait : there was only one generation between Disraeli and the Turkish Revolution which justified his policy.” [Anne Fremantle, ‘Loyal Enemy,’ Hutchinson & Co (Publishers) Ltd. London, 1938, p.180]

[19] Anne Fremantle, ‘Loyal Enemy,’ Hutchinson & Co (Publishers) Ltd. London, 1938, p.188

[20] He converted in 1917

[21] Ibid, p.228

[22] Holy Qur’an, Surah Saff, verse 8

[23] Holy Qur’an, Surah Al-Nahl, verse 125

War and Peace in Islam: Citizenship and residency visas

Continuing our series on war and peace in Islam, there is confusion over the classical ‘covenant of security’ and when it applies and when it breaks. This will be continued over a number of articles as it’s a very important topic to be understood in light of the historical attrocities that have been committed in both Muslim and non-Muslim countries.

  1. Citizenship and residency visas are valid Islamic Contracts
  2. Caliph cannot order treachery
  3. Notes

Citizenship and residency visas are the modern equivalents of the classical sharia concept of Al-Amān (الأَمان) which are security covenants. Ahmed Al-Dawoody says, “Amān (literally, protection, safety) forms an essential part of the Islamic law of war.”[1] He continues, “Some contemporary Muslim scholars have likened this safe conduct status to the “passport” system. Indeed, this ancient safe conduct system is similar to the visa system in some respects. It is a temporary permission to stay in a foreign country and can be renewed after its expiry date.”[2]

Fulfilling security covenants is a well-established rule, that was codified by the imams of the classical schools of thought and applied throughout Islamic history. While abuses, mistakes and collateral damage inevitably occurred by the Islamic armies, since these are human armies not armies of angels, on the whole “rule of law at the height of war” became a mantra of the Islamic conquests.

Unfortunately, nowadays the classical understanding of ahkham al-jihad (rules related to war) has been severely curtailed due to the fear among many of being labelled a terrorist and extremist. This has led to a vacuum in this field, which has been filled by the takfiri groups who have invented new rulings and ideas which are beyond the pale of what the Islamic texts permit and do not permit in relation to warfare. This has led to a maligning of the concept of jihad where it is equated with terrorism and extremism. Jihad is not terrorism. It has a very clear objective which is to make Allah’s word the highest i.e. that justice is established by implementing the Islamic sharia in the lands it governs.

Coming back to Al-Amān (security covenants), these are a type of treaty which Muslims must fulfil.

Al-Kamal ibn al-Humam (d.1457CE) says, “It [Al-Amān]is a kind or type of Muwaada’ah (treaty).”[3]

Al-Aman is one of the causes (asbab) for the cessation of fighting because as Akmal al-Din al-Babarti (d.1384CE) says, “it contains the leaving of Al-Qitaal (fighting) like the Muwaada’ah.”[4]

The Prophet ﷺ said,

الْمُسْلِمُونَ عَلَى شُرُوطِهِمْ إِلاَّ شَرْطًا حَرَّمَ حَلاَلاً أَوْ أَحَلَّ حَرَامًا

“Muslims are bound by their conditions, except for a condition that makes halal what is haram or makes haram what is halal.”[5]

Muhammad Haykal says, “This cessation of fighting could be the result of the Amān which the disbelievers grant to the Muslims just as it could be as a result of the Amān that the Muslims had granted to the disbelievers … Therefore, in each of these two cases, it is obligatory to cease the fighting against those disbelievers from the people of war; whether they were from those granting the Amān or they were those whom the Amān had been granted to … It is upon this basis that it stands out that this Amān represents a type of the Muwaada’ah (treaty).”[6]

All of the schools of thought are in agreement that a Muslim must honour the Amān when entering lands not ruled by Islam which in classical fiqh are known as Dar Al-Harb. Mustafa Al-Zarqa (d.1999) says, “Calling the non-Muslim country Dar al Harb, does not mean that they are in a state of war against Muslims. It only means a non-Muslim country, an independent country that is not under the sovereignty of Islam.”[7]

Ala’ al-Din al-Haskafi al-Hanafi (d.1677CE) says, “Any Muslim who enters Dar Al-Harb under an Amān cannot kill, loot, or commit fornication with any one of them, as Muslims stand by their contract.”[8]

Ibn Qudamah al-Hanbali (d.1223CE) says, “If a Muslim enters Dar Al-Harb as a messenger or merchant—and it is customary for our merchants to enter their lands—he is under their Amān, and they are under his Amān; because Amān is granted by one party to the other.”[9]

Muhammad Al-Yaqoubi sums up this position, “Muslims who live in non-Muslim lands in any continent, whether the population consists of People of the Book like the United States of America, or consist of other faiths like in China and Japan, have entered those countries under covenant and contract, manifested in either the visa, documents for residency, or citizenship. Each of these documents which are obtained by a Muslim in non-Muslim lands contain an agreement, signature, and consent that he or she is a peaceful resident, not a combatant, or that he or she is a citizen and shall protect the land in which he or she is staying, not be an enemy of it.”[10]

Citizenship and residency visas are valid Islamic Contracts

Citizenship and residency visas are the modern equivalents of the classical sharia concept of Al-Amān (الأَمان) which are security covenants. Fulfilling security covenants is a well-established rule, that was codified by the imams of the classical schools of thought and applied throughout Islamic history. In the Qur’an, Allah (Most High) orders Muslims to fulfil their contracts and covenants:

يَـٰٓأَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ ءَامَنُوٓا۟ أَوْفُوا۟ بِٱلْعُقُودِ

“O believers! Honour your covenants.”[11]

The definite article (alif-lam) on the word العُقُود (covenants) is mutlaq (unrestricted) which means it includes all types of contracts and covenants, such as citizenship and residency, employment and business and so on.

Some of those born into citizenship as opposed to naturalised citizens, or those on residency visas may say “I didn’t sign or say any pledge!” Compliance with the pledge for those born in the country is known through custom (‘urf), so in reality both types of citizens are bound by the pledge and oath. This is based on the well-known sharia maxim:

المعروف عرفا كالمشروط شرطا

What is known by custom (‘urf) is like what is stipulated by a condition (shart).[12]

Muhammad Hassan Abdul Ghaffar, explains the meaning of this maxim. “If a prevailing custom is agreed upon by people regarding something, it is considered in Islamic law (sharia) as a condition (shart). It is mentioned in some traditions that Muslims are bound by their conditions. These conditions are qualified by the Prophet’s ﷺ saying: إِلاَّ شَرْطًا حَرَّمَ حَلاَلاً أَوْ أَحَلَّ حَرَامًا “Except for a condition that makes halal what is haram or makes haram what is halal.”[13] This is because the Prophet ﷺ said, every condition that is not in the Book of Allah is invalid, even if there are a hundred such conditions.[14] He ﷺ said,

 مَنِ اشْتَرَطَ شَرْطًا لَيْسَ فِي كِتَابِ اللَّهِ فَلَيْسَ لَهُ، وَإِنِ اشْتَرَطَ مِائَةَ شَرْطٍ

“Whoever stipulates a condition that is not in the Book of Allah, it is not valid for him, even if he stipulates a hundred conditions.”[15]

“Therefore, if people agree upon something or if it is a custom among them, it is considered a condition, and this condition must be fulfilled.”[16]

Imam Al-Shafi’i (d.820CE) said in Al-Umm:

فإن أمنوه أو بعضهم وأدخلوه في بلادهم بمعروف عندهم في أمانهم إياه وهم قادرون عليه فإنه يلزمه لهم أن يكونوا منه آمنين وإن لم يقل ذلك

“If they [disbelievers] grant him or some of them security and admit him into their land with a guarantee of safety, and they are capable of providing it, then it is incumbent upon them to be safe from him, even if they do not explicitly state this.” [17]

Former Al-Qaeda ideologue Sayyed Imam Al-Sharif aka Dr. Fadl criticised the 9/11 attacks in a pamphlet written while in an Egyptian prison and serialised in two Arab newspapers in 2007. Specifically, Dr. Fadl accused the hijackers of violating the terms of their visa, which he interpreted it as a form of Amān.[18]

In 2012, a former member of al-Qaeda’ s Shura Council Mahfouz Ould Al-Walid, stated in an interview with al-Jazeera:

“such operations [9/11] violate the pact we made. Anybody who enters the U.S. uses an entrance visa, which we consider, from a religious perspective, to be a binding treaty of protection. Anybody who is protected by the enemy should not harm the enemy. He is prohibited from breaching this treaty of protection.”[19]

Bin Laden and the former Al-Qaeda leader al-Zawahiri disagreed, however, and distinguished between acquired citizenship – which involves taking an oath (‘ahd) – and a visa or citizenship by birth, which do not. While their interpretations differ, it is testament to the strength of the Islamic obligation to honour an oath that senior Al-Qaeda figures view perceived transgressions with such severity.”[20]

As mentioned, there is no difference contractually between a natural born citizen or naturalised citizen due to custom (‘urf). The purchase of a short-term or long-term residency visa is a valid Islamic contract (‘aqd), consisting of two contracting parties, with offer and acceptance over a subject matter of entering the host’s country.[21]

Caliph cannot order treachery

The second invasion of Iraq in 2003 mobilised the Jihadi-Salafi movement once again after their base in Afghanistan was destroyed. Iraq then became the new front for Al-Qaeda under the leadership of Abū Muṣʻab al-Zarqāwī in 2004, but al-Zarqāwī went to such extremes, declaring open war against Shi’ites and massacring civilians, that even Al-Qaeda’s leadership formally rebuked him. After his death in 2006, the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) was formed under Abu Umar Al-Baghdadi (d.2019). This group then become the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2013, and in 2014 ISIS declared itself as a caliphate with Al-Baghdadi its ‘caliph’.

Baghdadi issued an order to the Muslim Ummah, “This is the order of the Khalifah…Either ones [sic] performs hijrah to the wilayat of the Khilafah or, if he is unable to do so, he must attack the crusaders, their allies, the Rafidah, the tawaghit, and their apostate forces, wherever he might be with any means available to him, and he should not hesitate in doing so, nor consult any supposed “scholar” on this obligation. He should attack after declaring his bay’ah[22] to the Khilafah, so as not to die a death of Jahiliyyah.”[23]

It is true that once a legitimate caliph has been elected with a sahih bay’ah (legally convened pledge of allegiance), then all the Muslims living within his domains are obliged to obey the caliph as citizens of the caliphate. This obedience however is not unconditional, and the caliph cannot order someone to disobey Allah by being treacherous. The Prophet ﷺ said,

لاَ طَاعَةَ فِي مَعْصِيَةٍ، إِنَّمَا الطَّاعَةُ فِي الْمَعْرُوفِ ‏

There is no obedience to anyone if it is disobedience to Allah. Verily, obedience is only in good conduct.”[24]

This is a general principle when it comes to following any order or law from anyone. Muslims, non-Muslims, parents, caliphs, rulers, army commanders, company directors etc are not obeyed in sin. If they order treachery, corruption, unlawful killing, torture and oppression, there is no obedience here. Even in the western justice systems “just following orders” is generally rejected, establishing the principle that individuals are responsible for their actions. The Nuremberg Trials of Nazi war criminals is the most famous in this regard.

We need to keep in mind that the caliph is simply an executor of Islamic law. He is not elevated to such a high status that Muslims blindly follow him in everything he orders. Rashida Rida (d.1935) explains this. “The caliph in Islam is nothing more than a leader of government whose powers are limited. He has no authority or control over people’s spirits and hearts. He is but the one who implements the revealed law. The duty to obey him is restricted to that. This means obeying the revealed law, not obeying him personally…”[25]

Therefore, no caliph, fake or otherwise can order Muslims to disobey Allah and be treacherous in the lands in which they reside. Muhammad Al-Yaqoubi says, “Therefore, the one who gives allegiance to al-Baghdadi is neither required to uphold the oath nor obey the one given allegiance. Maintaining allegiance to him is a major sin and a cause of schism in the community.”[26]

Notes


[1] Ahmed Al-Dawoody, ‘The Islamic Law of War: Justifications and Regulations,’ Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, p.129

[2] Ahmed Al-Dawoody, ‘The Islamic Law of War: Justifications and Regulations,’ Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, p.130

[3] Al-Kamal ibn al-Humam, “Fath ul-Qadeer, 5/462

[4] Akmal al-Din al-Babarti, Al-‘Inaverse ‘Ala l-Hidaverse

[5] Jami’ at-Tirmidhi 1352, https://sunnah.com/tirmidhi:1352

[6] Muhammad Khayr Haykal, ‘Al-Jihad wa’l Qital fi as-Siyasa ash-Shar’iyya,’ vol.6, Chapter Three: The Mu’aahadaat (treaties) and Al-Amaan (the security)

[7] Mustafa Az-Zurqa, Fatawa, pp. 626-625, quoted in Qaradawi, Fiqh of Minorities, p.170

[8] Ibn ‘Abidin, Radd Al-Muhtar ‘ala al-Durr al-Mukhtar (vol. 4 p. 166),

https://shamela.ws/book/21613/2297#p1

[9] Ibn Qudāmah, Al- Kāfī, Vol. 4, p. 163. https://shamela.ws/book/21731/1333

[10] Muhammad Al-Yaqoubi, ‘Refuting ISIS: A Rebuttal Of Its Religious And Ideological Foundations Paperback,’ Sacred Knowledge, 2015, p.31

[11] Holy Qur’an, Surah Al-Ma’ida, verse 1

[12] Muhammad Hassan Abdul Ghaffar, The Book of Legal Maxims: Between Originality and Guidance, https://shamela.ws/book/37692/58

[13] Jami’ at-Tirmidhi 1352, https://sunnah.com/tirmidhi:1352

[14] Muhammad Hassan Abdul Ghaffar, The Book of Legal Maxims: Between Originality and Guidance, https://shamela.ws/book/37692/58

[15] Sahih al-Bukhari 2735, https://sunnah.com/bukhari:2735

[16] Muhammad Hassan Abdul Ghaffar, The Book of Legal Maxims: Between Originality and Guidance, https://shamela.ws/book/37692/58

[17] Al-Shafi’i, Al-Umm, https://shamela.ws/book/1655/1117

[18] Rashad Ali and Hannah Stuart, ‘A Guide to Refuting Jihadism: Critiquing radical Islamist claims to theological authenticity,’ p.90

[19] Al-Jazeera interview with Mahfouz Ould Al-Walid, 17 and 19 October 2012. 

[20] Rashad Ali and Hannah Stuart, ‘A Guide to Refuting Jihadism: Critiquing radical Islamist claims to theological authenticity,’ p.90

[21] Wael b. Hallaq, ‘Sharia: Theory, Practice, Transformations,’ Cambridge University Press, 2009, p.239

[22] The bay’ah or pledge of allegiance, is a ruling contract which governs the relationship between Muslims and the Islamic state. For those Muslims living under the authority of the state, the bay’ah is their citizenship contract with its ruler – the Caliph.

[23] Muhammad Al-Yaqoubi, ‘Refuting ISIS: A Rebuttal of Its Religious And Ideological Foundations Paperback,’ Sacred Knowledge, 2015, p.7

[24] Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī 7257, https://sunnah.com/bukhari:7257  Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 1840, https://sunnah.com/muslim:1840a

[25] Muhammad Rashid Rida, ‘The Caliphate or Supreme Imamate,’ Translated by Simon A Wood, Yale University Press, 2024, p.192  ; Original Arabic: https://shamela.ws/book/9682

[26] Muhammad Al-Yaqoubi, ‘Refuting ISIS: A Rebuttal of Its Religious And Ideological Foundations Paperback,’ Sacred Knowledge, 2015, p.28

How is a caliphate divided up?

A caliphate is essentially a group of emirates, states or provinces which are bound together by the bay’ah ruling contract with its ruler – the caliph. The Caliphate from its initial establishment after the death of the Prophet ﷺ under its first caliph Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq, had always been an ‘empire’ encompassing vast areas of land, and in later periods spanning multiple continents.

In Islamic history the caliphate was broadly divided up into four levels of governance:

LevelNameHead
1st LevelProvince (ولاية  Wiliyah) Emirate (إِمَارَةِ)
Sultanate (سَلْطَنَة)
Wali
Amir
Sultan
2nd LevelDistrict (عمالة  I’mala)  ‘Amil
Hakim
Amir
3rd LevelCity (بَلَد  Balad)
Fortified town (قصبة  Qasabah)
Amir
Hakim
Ra’is
4th LevelNeighbourhood (حَيّ  Hayy)[1] Tribe/Clan (قَبِيلَة Qabilah)[2]Muqaddam
Sheikh
Naqib

Administering such a huge state relied heavily on the local governors of the various provinces being loyal, competent and just in their positions. The logistical challenges of ancient communications meant it could take weeks or even months for the governors of Egypt, North Africa, and Khorasan to receive a letter from the caliph. The governor would therefore need to have a great deal of autonomy and authority to manage their province.

Organising these provinces or emirates in to one unified state was no easy task. Initially the Islamic state was a fairly centralised unitary model during the time of the Prophet ﷺ, Abu Bakr and Umar, but then began to unravel in the time of Uthman and Ali leading eventually to the Umayyad dynasty taking over the caliphate, and marking the start of the monarchical (mulk) nature of Islamic rule for the rest of the state’s 1300-year reign.

Ibn Khaldun (d.1406CE) discusses that the Rightly Guided Caliphs “lived in a time when royal authority (mulk) as such did not yet exist, and the restraining influence was religious. Thus, everybody had his restraining influence in himself. Consequently, they appointed the person who was acceptable to Islam, and preferred him over all others. They trusted every aspirant to have his own restraining influence.

After them, from Mu‘âwiyah on, the group feeling (asabiyah) (of the Arabs) approached its final goal, royal authority (mulk). The restraining influence of religion had weakened. The restraining influence of government and group was needed. If, under those circumstances, someone not acceptable to the group had been appointed as successor, such an appointment would have been rejected by it. The (chances of the appointee) would have been quickly demolished, and the community would have been split and torn by dissension.”[3]

How unified a caliphate actually needs to be in practice is a balancing act which requires statesmen who are highly skilled in siyasa sharia such as the Rightly Guided Caliphs. Even then, Uthman and Ali both faced rebellion through no fault of their own, because they governed over human beings who by their nature will sin and oppress others. If they were ‘angels’ then there would be no need for an authority in the first place. The Prophet ﷺ said,

كُلُّ ابْنِ آدَمَ خَطَّاءٌ وَخَيْرُ الْخَطَّائِينَ التَّوَّابُونَ

“All of the children of Adam are sinners, and the best sinners are those who repent.”[4]

Uthman bin Affan said,

إن الله يزع بالسلطان ما لا يزع بالقرآن

“Allah prevents by the authority (sultan) what He does not prevent by the Qur’an.”[5]

What we find in practice is that it is the bond of Islam and the implementation of justice which creates unity, and not a highly centralised authoritarian state. This is especially true when those in power are themselves not implementing justice and abusing their positions, even if they carry Islamic titles like Caliph, Imam, Sultan, Wali or Emir.

Ibn Taymiyyah (d.1328CE) said,

إنَّ اللَّهَ يُقِيمُ الدَّوْلَةَ الْعَادِلَةَ وَإِنْ كَانَتْ كَافِرَةً وَلَا يُقِيمُ الظَّالِمَةَ وَإِنْ كَانَتْ مُسْلِمَةً ويقال الدُّنْيَا تَدُومُ مَعَ الْعَدْلِ وَالْكُفْرِ وَلَا تَدُومُ مَعَ الظُّلْمِ وَالْإِسْلَامِ
“It is said that Allah allows the just state to remain even if it is led by unbelievers, but Allah will not allow the oppressive state to remain even if it is led by Muslims. And it is said that the world will endure with justice and unbelief, but it will not endure with oppression and Islam.”[6]

Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf (r.694–714CE) was appointed by the Umayyad Caliph Abdul-Malik ibn Al-Marwan (r. 692-705CE) as the governor of Iraq combining both Kufa and Basra. While he was governor, Abdul-Malik’s son, Al-Walid ibn Abdul-Malik (r.705-715CE) appointed Umar ibn Abdul-Aziz as the governor of Medina (r.706-711CE). The Umayyad caliphate at this stage had full territorial integrity and sovereignty over all of its domains, with the central government in Damascus retaining tight control over all the provinces. Such a situation however did not bring unity to the state due to the injustices being committed by some of the governors most notably Al-Hajjaj.

Al-Hajjaj was notorious for his harsh and oppressive rule against the people of Iraq. Ibn Kathir mentions that a man, supposedly by the name of ‘As from the Banu Yashkur tribe, approached Hajjaj and said: “I have been afflicted with a hernia and because of that Bishr bin Marwan (previous governor) excused me and commissioned that I should be granted my maintenance from the Bait ul-Mal.” Upon hearing the man’s claim, al-Hajjaj refused to accommodate it and instead sentenced him to death, and so he was killed. Due to this incident, the people of al-Basrah grew so scared of him that they left the city.[7] The people of Iraq started fleeing to the provinces of Makkah and Madinah under Umar bin Abdul-Aziz’s authority because they knew he was a righteous and just ruler. This angered Hajjaj who wrote to Al-Walid asking for Umar to be expelled from his post as governor. Hajjaj wrote, “It has become apparent that the people of Iraq and Thaqaf are fleeing from Iraq and seeking refuge in al-Madinah and Makkah.”[8] Al-Walid accepted Hajjaj’s advice and dismissed Umar from his post as governor of Medina.

If we fast forward to Al-Andalus, which from 929CE became the Cordoba Caliphate, what we find is unity between the Muslim populations in Spain and those in the lands ruled by the Abbasids, even though ‘legally’ according to the majority on paper they would have been seen as a rebellious entity. It was the Cordoba Caliphate that produced some of the greatest Islamic scholars in history such as, Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih (d.940CE), Ibn Hazm (d.1064CE), Al-Qurtubi (d.1273CE) and Ibn Al-Arabi (d.1240CE).

In the Eastern lands the famous Vizier of the Seljuk Sultanate – Nizam al-Mulk (d.1092CE) established a group of higher education institutions called the Nizamiyyah. These again produced many great scholars and among the professors of these institutions were Imam al-Juwayni (d.1085CE) and Al-Ghazali (d.1111CE). The Seljuk’s never claimed the caliphate for themselves and gave a nominal bay’ah to the Abbasid Caliphs in Baghdad. They were politically disunited from the caliphate as a semi-independent province which in Al-Mawardi’s model falls under the Amir Al-Istila’ (Amir of Conquest) and Wazir Al-Tafweedh (Delegated Assistant).

Notes


[1] The smallest division of the state was the neighbourhood or city quarter (حَيّ Hayy). In the Ottoman Empire or devlet, a neighbourhood consisted of forty houses based on a hadith which some have deemed weak (da’if):

حق الجار أربعون داراً هكذا وهكذا وهكذا يميناً وشمالاً وقدام وخلف

“The rights of neighbours extend to forty homes. He then indicated to the right, left, back and front.” [Majma’ Al-Zawaaid, vol 8, pg 168, Qudsi / Musnad Abi Ya’la Al-Mawsili, vol 5, pg 368, Muassasah Uluum Al-Quran]

[2] “O humanity! Indeed, We created you from a male and a female, and made you into peoples (شُعُوباً) and tribes (قَبائِل) so that you may ˹get to˺ know one another.” [Surah Al-Hujurat, 13]

[3] Ibn Khaldun, ‘The Muqaddimah – An Introduction to History,’ Translated by Franz Rosenthal, Princeton Classics, p.270

[4] Sunan al-Tirmidhī 2499. Qawi (strong) according to Ibn Hajar

[5] Fatawa of Sheikh Bin Baz

[6] Ibn Taymiyyah, al-Amr bil Ma’rūf wan-nahi ‘an al-munkar 1/29

[7] Ibn Kathir, ‘The Caliphate of Banu Umayyah,’ Darussalam, p.345

[8] Dr. Ali Muhammad As-Sallabi, ‘Umar bin Abd al-Aziz,’ Darussalam, p.85

Shura on Government Appointments

  1. Shura is a principle of ruling
  2. Removal of Governors
  3. Provincial Elections
  4. Notes

Shura is a principle of ruling

Shura (consultation) is a key principle of the Islamic Ruling System and underpins all the institutions of the state. In order for the governors and mayors of the provinces and cities to be focussed on their citizens’ affairs and not their own personal interests, they need to be elected by the people they are ruling over. Ibn Atiyyah (d.1147CE) said that:

الشورى من قواعد الشريعة وعزائم الأحكام، ومن لا يستشير أهل العلم والدين، فعزله واجب. هذا ما لا خلاف فيه، وقد مدح الله المؤمنين بقوله:  وَأَمْرُهُمْ شُورَى بَيْنَهُمْ

Shura is one of the principles of Sharia and the firmest of rulings, and whoever does not consult the people of knowledge and religion must be removed. This is something that is not disputed, and Allah praised the believers by saying: وَأَمْرُهُمْ شُورَى بَيْنَهُمْ ‘And their affairs are conducted by mutual consultation.’[1][2]

Al-Zamakhshari (d.1143CE) explains the limits of shura in his explanation of the verse,وَشَاوِرْهُمْ فِي الْأَمْرِ “And consult them in the matter”[3]

يعنى في أمر الحرب ونحوه مما لم ينزل عليك فيه وحي لتستظهر برأيهم

“It means in matters of war and the like, in which no revelation has been sent down to you, so that you may rely on their opinion.”[4]

Judge Hussein bin Mohammed Al Mahdi says, “There is no doubt that Shura is comprehensive for public functions because it is among the matters that Allah Almighty has guided us to consult about, as He, the Most High, says: “And consult them in the matter.” And Allah has praised the believers who are adorned with Shura, as He, the Most High, says: “And those who have responded to their Lord and established prayer and whose affair is [determined by] consultation among themselves, and from what We have provided them, they spend.”

So, seeking the opinion of the nation about who will represent it in any of the public matters related to it with the aim of managing the affairs of the nation in the best way is one of the most important duties.”[5]

Judge Hussein bin Mohammed Al Mahdi says, “By public positions (الوَظائِف العامَّة), we mean those with public mandates (الوِلايات العامَّة), which we see as necessary: ​​ministers, senior officers of the armed forces and security forces, brigade and battalion commanders, army commanders, governors, directors of security for governorates and states, heads of courts, whether primary or appellate, and supreme courts, and what corresponds to these positions in the modern state and what is below them of administrative and leadership positions in the contemporary state, including heads and members of the House of Representatives, the Shura Council, and the government, and what comes at the top of these positions, such as the position of Caliph, King, Head of State, or Imam.”[6]

Regarding the appointment of Amirs, the Prophet ﷺ and the Rightly Guided Caliphs established the principle of shura in selecting army commanders and governors.

Akram Al-Umari says, “The selection of governors was done after the Caliph consulted with the senior Companions, and also after the approval of the candidate for the governorship. Umar did not appoint any of his relatives, while Uthman and Ali saw no harm in appointing relatives. Umar often tested whomever he wanted to appoint, and studied his personality closely. He also did not appoint the people of the desert over the people of the city due to the difference in natures, customs and traditions. He appointed Salman al-Farsi (a former slave and non-Arab) as governor of Mada’in, perhaps to draw attention to the principle of equality in Islam.”[7]

After the people of Kufah complained about their governor Ammar ibn Yasir, Umar consulted the sahaba as to whom he should appoint as governor of Kufah, and said to them: “Who could tackle the problems of the people of Kufah for me, and their false accusations against their governors? If I appoint over them a man with good morals, they will regard him as weak, but if I appoint over thein one who is strong, they will force him to overstep the limit with them.”

Then he said: “O people, what do you say about a man who is weak but is a pious Muslim and another who is strong and tough but not so religiously committed? Which one is better suited to be a governor?”

Al-Mugheerah ibn Shu’bah spoke up and said, “O Amir al-Mu’mineen, the weak Muslim’s commitment to Islam counts in his favour but his weakness counts against you and the Muslims; the fact that the strong man is less pious counts against him but his strength counts in your favour and that of the Muslims. So do what you think is best.” ‘Umar said, “You have spoken the truth, O Mugheerah.”

Then he appointed him as governor of Kufah and said to him, “Try to be one whom the righteous trust and the evildoers fear.” Al-Mugheerah said, “I shall try my best O Amir al-Mu’mineen.”[8]

In origin, all executive power is with the caliph via the bay’ah contract. He can in principle appoint and dismiss all his deputies whether they are ministers, governors, commanders or judges. This appointment and dismissal should be based on shura even though it is mandub (recommended) and not obligatory (wajib). The caliph can then bind himself to this shura making it an obligation for him to execute. Abdul-Qadeem Zallum says, “While Shura over the Mubah matters is Mandub, it is allowed for a caliph to bind himself to some or all of these allowed matters. Once he has obliged himself to certain matters, he has to abide by it and is under obligation to carry out the consulted matter. This is derived from the fact that when the post of caliph was offered to ‘Uthman bin Affan, he accepted to proceed according to the way of Abu Bakr and ‘Umar in ruling, as it was proposed to him. This happened in the presence of the Sahabah without any objection from them.”[9]

Removal of Governors

It was an established principle from the time of the Prophet ﷺ that governors should be removed if the people of the province are unhappy with them. These need to be legitimate grievances however, because replacing governors at the drop of a hat creates instability in the province, and should only be performed as a last resort.

In the time of the Prophet ﷺ, Al-Ala’ ibn Al-Hadrami was the governor of Bahrain which was inhabited by the tribe of Abd Al-Qais. The Messenger of Allah ﷺ wrote to Al-Ala’ ibn Al-Hadrami (governor of Bahrain) to come to him with twenty men from Abd Al-Qais. So he came to him with twenty men, headed by Abdullah ibn Auf Al-Ashja. Al-Ala’ left Al-Mundhir ibn Sawa in charge of Bahrain. The delegation complained about Al-Ala’ ibn Al-Hadrami, so the Messenger of Allah ﷺ dismissed him and appointed Abaan ibn Sa’id ibn Al-As, saying to him: “Treat Abd al-Qais well and honor their leaders.”[10]

In the caliphate of Umar ibn Al-Khattab, Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas who was one of the 10 promised Jannah in this life was appointed as the governor of Kufa after Al-Mugheerah ibn Shu’bah. Kufa as mentioned was a province whose inhabitants were known for making unjustified complaints against their governors. True to form some of the influentials in Kufa complained against Sa’d. Although these were unsubstantiated claims Umar still removed Sa’d in order to prevent further fitnah (discord) occurring. Umar said to Sa’d:

لولا الاحتياط لكان سبيلهم بينا ثم قال: من خليفتك يا سعد على الكوفه؟ قال: عبد الله ابن عبد اللَّه بن عتبان، فأقره واستعمله

“Were it not for the need for caution, the way to deal with them would be clear.” Then he said: “Who is your successor, Sa’d, in Kufa?” He said: “Abdullah ibn Abdullah ibn Utban.” So he confirmed him and appointed him.[11]

Al-Sallabi explains Umar’s words, “Were it not for the need for caution, the way to deal with them would be clear” means that they were ignorant wrongdoers, and it was obvious that Sa’d was innocent of what they attributed to him, but caution for the sake of the ummah necessitated warding off fitnah and nipping it in the bud, before it got any worse and led to trouble, division and maybe fighting. If the accused person was innocent of what was attributed to~ then nothing would harm him once he had been proven innocent of ·the accusations against him. They understood governorship as a burden, not an opportunity; it was a duty for which they hoped for reward from Allah. Being appointed in charge of any of the Muslims’ affairs is a kind of righteous deed for the one who fears Allah and seeks His pleasure and the Hereafter. If this deed becomes a source of fitnah, wisdom dictates that one should not continue in it, as was the case here. This is what Umar did when he relieved Sa’d of his post and appointed his deputy who was trusted by Sa’d. Umar kept Sa’d in Madeenah and approved of the man whom Sa’d nominated to succeed him in Kufah. Thus Sa’d became one of ‘Umar’s consultants in Madeenah.”[12]

Provincial Elections

The caliph in origin has the executive power to appoint and remove all government officials including the governors. This is derived from the actions of the Prophet ﷺ in Medina in his capacity as a ruler-prophet. As discussed above this should be conducted through shura which could be via his advisors (wazirs) or the caliph can seek shura from the people of the province giving them the power to make the decision. We can see both types of scenarios – appointment and election – in the time of the Prophet ﷺ, Rightly Guided Caliphs and the Umayyads.

Mapping shura of the province to modern times means the caliph will allow the people of a particular province or emirate to elect their governor and then ratify the result. He does however maintain the executive power not to ratify the result and order new elections if there were irregulates or election fraud. Such an action would be conducted via the Supreme Court (Mahkmat Al-Mazalim). This provides a counter-balance against potential corruption by the governors and mayors of a province who due to having a local powerbase are susceptible to abusing their position with the electorate in order to hold on to power.

Notes


[1] Holy Qur’an, Surah Al-Shura, ayah 38

[2] Judge Hussein bin Mohammed Al Mahdi – Member of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Yemen, The book of Shura in Islamic Law, 2009, https://shamela.ws/book/26217/25

[3] Al-Zamakhshari (d.1143), Al-Kashaf, https://tafsir.app/kashaf/3/159

[4] Holy Qur’an, Surah Ali-‘Imran, ayah 159

[5] Judge Hussein bin Mohammed Al Mahdi – Member of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Yemen, The book of Shura in Islamic Law, 2009, https://shamela.ws/book/26217/91

[6] Judge Hussein bin Mohammed Al Mahdi – Member of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Yemen, The book of Shura in Islamic Law, 2009, https://shamela.ws/book/26217/92#p1

[7] Akram Al-Umari, ‘The Era of the Rightly-Guided Caliphate: An Attempt to Criticize the Historical Narrative According to the Methodology of the Modernists,’ https://shamela.ws/book/11439/115#p1

[8] Dr Ali Muhammad As-Sallabi, ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, his life and times,’ International Islamic Publishing House, volume 2, p.53

[9] Abdul-Qadeem Zallum, ‘The Ruling System in Islam,’ translation of Nizam ul-Hukm fil Islam, Khilafah Publications, Fifth Edition, p.243

[10]  Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat https://shamela.ws/book/1686/1412#p1

[11] Tabari, https://shamela.ws/book/9783/2013#p1

[12] Al-Sallabi, ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, his life and times,’ vol.2, p.89

Election of Amirs in the Prophet’s ﷺ State in Medina

  1. The 12 Naqibs
  2. Appointment of the Amirs at Mut’ah
  3. Three or more people need an Amir
  4. Al-Ḥārith ibn Abī Ḍirār – Leader of Banu al-Muṣṭaliq
  5. Malik ibn ‘Awf al-Nasri – Leader of Hawazin
  6. Urwah ibn Masud – Appointed governor of Ta’if
  7. Notes

The 12 Naqibs

The Aws and Khazraj tribes whom Islam united together as the Ansar (helpers), were sub-divided into various clans who managed their own administrative affairs as devolved ‘mini-provinces’.

The chiefs of these clans were not appointed by the Prophet ﷺ, but rather ‘elected’ by the tribes themselves on his ﷺ orders. Ka’b ibn Malik narrates that the Prophet ﷺ said,

أَخْرِجُوا إلَيَّ مِنْكُمْ اثْنَيْ عَشَرَ نَقِيبًا، لِيَكُونُوا عَلَى قَوْمِهِمْ بِمَا فِيهِمْ. فَأَخْرَجُوا مِنْهُمْ اثْنَيْ عَشَرَ نَقِيبًا، تِسْعَةً مِنْ الْخَزْرَجِ، وَثَلَاثَةً مِنْ الْأَوْسِ.

أَسَمَاءُ النُّقَبَاءِ الِاثْنَيْ عَشَرَ وَتَمَامُ خَبَرِ الْعَقَبَةِ

“Bring out to me from among you twelve chiefs (naqibs), so that they may be in charge of their people and what is in them.” So they brought out from among them twelve chiefs, nine from the Khazraj, and three from the Aws.[1]

It is clear from the Sahifa and the command of the Prophet ﷺ: أَخْرِجُوا إلَيَّ مِنْكُمْ اثْنَيْ عَشَرَ نَقِيبًا، لِيَكُونُوا عَلَى قَوْمِهِمْ بِمَا فِيهِمْ “Bring out to me from among you twelve chiefs (naqibs), so that they may be in charge of their people and what is in them,” that these naqibs had full powers over their clans as indicated by the relative pronoun (مَا) which is ‘aam (general) and means “whatever”.

Since these naqibs were only amirs of a ‘neighbourhood’, their powers would exclude anything to do with policies related to the common security and well-being of the state such as taxation and military expeditions. The sub-tribes would assist in these common issues such as participation in the battles as the Sahifa constitution of Medina outlined, but they would have no autonomy to pursue their own agendas separate to that of the Prophet ﷺ.

Appointment of the Amirs at Mut’ah

In the Mut’ah military campaign, which was the first battle against the Byzantines and their Ghassanid proxy kingdom in Southern Ash-Sham, the Prophet ﷺ appointed Zaid ibn Haritha as the commander of the army. Due to the anticipated intensity of this battle against hardened Roman Centurions (Kentarches), he ﷺ also appointed the deputy commanders who would replace Zaid if he was martyred. He ﷺ said,

أمير الناس زيد بن حارثة. فإن قتل فجعفر بن أبي طالب. فإن قتل فعبد الله بن رواحة. فإن قتل فليرتض المسلمون بينهم رجلا فيجعلوه عليهم

“The Amir of the people is Zayd bin Haritha. If he is killed, then Ja’far ibn Abi Talib. If he is killed, then Abdullah ibn Rawahah. If he is killed, then let the Muslims choose (يَرْتَض  yartad) a man from among themselves and make him their Amir.”[2]

People ‘elected’ Khalid ibn Al-Walid to be their Amir on the orders of the Commander in-Chief which was the Prophet ﷺ. In modern times, with professional armies and military ranks, there would be no need for ‘elections’ of the commander since the next in command by rank will take over if communication is lost with the overall commander of the expedition. In seventh century warfare and limited communication methods, this wasn’t possible hence the reason the Prophet ﷺ implemented this style.

Three or more people need an Amir

The Messenger of Allah ﷺ said:

وَلَا يَحِلُّ لِثَلَاثَةِ نَفَرٍ يَكُونُونَ بِأَرْضِ فَلَاةٍ إِلَّا أَمَّرُوا عَلَيْهِمْ أَحَدَهُمْ

“It is not permissible for three people to be in an open country (desert) without appointing one of them as their Amir.”[3]

The Messenger of Allah ﷺ said:

إِذَا خَرَجَ ثَلاَثَةٌ فِي سَفَرٍ فَلْيُؤَمِّرُوا أَحَدَهُمْ

“When three are on a journey, they should appoint one of them as their Amir.”[4]

Al-Ḥārith ibn Abī Ḍirār – Leader of Banu al-Muṣṭaliq

Al-Ḥārith ibn Abī Ḍirār, was the leader of Banu al-Muṣṭaliq. After the battle of al-Muraysī’ in 627CE (5 AH) against his tribe he was defeated and his daughter Juwayriyyah bint al-Ḥārith was taken as a captive. She married the Prophet ﷺ and her father Al-Ḥārith then accepted Islam and remained as the chief of Banu al-Muṣṭaliq, as a province under the central authority of the Prophet ﷺ in Medina.[5] In other words the Prophet ﷺ confirmed him in his position since he was already accepted by the tribe as their leader.

Malik ibn ‘Awf al-Nasri – Leader of Hawazin

The Battle of Hunain took place one month after the Conquest of Makkah against the tribes of Hawazin and Thaqif who inhabited the city of Ta’if and its surrounding areas.

Malik ibn ‘Awf, was one of the leaders of Hawazin and their commander at the Battle of Hunain. After he accepted Islam, the Messenger of Allah ﷺ appointed him (as an ‘amil) over those of his people who had converted to Islam, and those tribes were: Thumala, Salamah and Fahm.”[6] Again he was confirmed in his position as leader over his people.

Urwah ibn Masud – Appointed governor of Ta’if

Although much of the Hawazin tribe converted to Islam after Hunain, Banu Thaqif remained in the walled city of Ta’if. The Prophet ﷺ laid siege to the city but in the end he and the Muslims had no way to penetrate the walls and so ended the siege. The next year (9AH) in the year of delegations, Thaqif came to Medina voluntarily led by Abd Yalil ibn Amr, who was one of the three brothers in charge of Ta’if when the Prophet ﷺ came to the city to call them to Islam during the Makkan phase, and where he was publicly humiliated and stoned by the city’s youth.

Abd Yalil ibn Amr after much debate with the Prophet ﷺ eventually accepted Islam, but he was not reappointed as the governor of Ta’if due to his unsuitability for the role. Instead, it was another member of the delegation Urwah ibn Masud, who was an influential in the tribe and the delegation’s guard[7] who became the governor.[8] Urwah was eager to embrace Islam and learn the religion unlike the reluctance and argumentation of Abd Yalil ibn Amr. Therefore, although elected governors are permitted, the head of state still holds the executive power of dismissing them or not confirming their appointment if the population of the province face harm from them. The Prophet ﷺ said:

لاَ ضَرَرَ وَلاَ ضِرَارَ “There is no harm and reciprocating harm.”[9]

Notes


[1] Ibn Hisham, narrated by Ka’b ibn Malik, https://shamela.ws/book/23833/466

[2] Ibn Sa’d, Tabaqat, https://shamela.ws/book/1686/486#p1

[3] Musnad Ahmed 6647, https://shamela.ws/book/25794/5118

[4] Sunan Abi Dawud 2608, https://sunnah.com/abudawud:2608

[5] Musnad Ahmed, https://shamela.ws/book/25794/14978

[6] Ibn Hisham, https://shamela.ws/book/23833/1228

[7] Dr Ali Muhammad As-Sallabi, ‘The Noble Life of the Prophet ﷺ,’ p.1898

[8] Ibid, p.1903

[9] Al-Muwatta, https://sunnah.com/urn/514340

Devolution in an Islamic State

Devolution is the transfer or delegation of power to a lower level, especially by central government to a local or regional administration. This is different to a federal state where power is shared between states and the central (federal) government. In such a model, provinces have a constitutional right to disobey the central government, and execute their own policies and laws in certain (non-federal) areas. Therefore, in origin the caliphate is a unitary state with devolution and not a federal state even though the differences between the two are small. In the case of America’s federal model, it’s almost identical administratively to how a future caliphate would look i.e. a United States of Islam (USI).

The Islamic State has a unitary executive, where in origin all executive ruling power is with the caliph. This power is transferred to the caliph from the ummah who are the source of authority (مَصْدَر السُلْطَة masdar al-sultah)[1] via the bay’ah contract. Muhammad Haykal says, “The sultah (authority) in Islam belongs to the Ummah and she passes it to the ruler in accordance to a contract (‘aqd) between her and him upon the basis that he rules her by the Kitab of Allah and the Sunnah of His Messenger ﷺ.”[2]

This executive power is not unconditional because it is restricted by the legislative branch of the state which is the shari’a. Allah (Most High) says,

فَٱحْكُم بَيْنَهُم بِمَآ أَنزَلَ ٱللَّهُ

“So judge/rule between them by what Allah has revealed”[3]

The Prophet ﷺ informed us that those who are charged with this responsibility of ruling are the caliphs. He ﷺ said,

كَانَتْ بَنُو إِسْرَائِيلَ تَسُوسُهُمُ الأَنْبِيَاءُ كُلَّمَا هَلَكَ نَبِيٌّ خَلَفَهُ نَبِيٌّ وَإِنَّهُ لاَ نَبِيَّ بَعْدِي وَسَتَكُونُ خُلَفَاءُ فَتَكْثُرُ ‏‏قَالُوا فَمَا تَأْمُرُنَا قَالَ فُوا بِبَيْعَةِ الأَوَّلِ فَالأَوَّلِ وَأَعْطُوهُمْ حَقَّهُمْ فَإِنَّ اللَّهَ سَائِلُهُمْ عَمَّا اسْتَرْعَاهُمْ

“The prophets ruled over the children of Israel, whenever a prophet died another prophet succeeded him, but there will be no prophet after me. There will soon be caliphs and they will number many.” They asked; “What then do you order us?” He said: “Fulfil the bay’ah to them, one after the other, and give them their dues for Allah will verily account them about what he entrusted them with.”[4]

The Prophet ﷺ described the caliph (imam) as having general powers of responsibility in ruling:

فَالْإِمَامُ الَّذِي عَلَى النَّاسِ رَاعٍ وَهُوَ مَسْئُولٌ عَنْ رَعِيَّتِهِ

“The Imam[5] is a guardian, and he is responsible over his subjects.”[6]

The wording here is mutlaq (unrestricted) so encompasses all types of responsibility over the citizens (رعية). Abdul-Qadeem Zallum (d.2003) comments on this hadith, “This means that all the matters related to the management of the subjects’ affairs is the responsibility of the caliph. He, however reserves the right to delegate anyone with whatever task he deems fit, in analogy with representation (وَكالَة  wakala).”[7]

The officials of the state derive their authority from the caliph and are representatives (وُكَلاء wukala’) of him in ruling. Hashim Kamali says, “The head of state, being the wakīl or representative of the community by virtue of a contract of agency/representation thus becomes the repository of all political power. He is authorised, in turn, to delegate his powers to other government office holders, ministers, governors and judges etc. These are, then, entrusted with delegated authority (wilāyat), which they exercise on behalf of the head of state each in their respective capacities.”[8]

Al-Mawardi categorises these representatives into four types:

الْقِسْمُ الْأَوَّلُ: مَنْ تَكُونُ وِلَايَتُهُ عَامَّةً فِي الْأَعْمَالِ الْعَامَّةِ وَهُمْ الْوُزَرَاءُ؛ لِأَنَّهُمْ يُسْتَنَابُونَ فِي جَمِيعِ الْأُمُورِ مِنْ غَيْرِ تَخْصِيصٍ.

(i) those who had general powers over the wilayat (government functions) generally, namely wazirs, who were appointed over all affairs without any special assignment;

وَالْقِسْمُ الثَّانِي: مَنْ تَكُونُ وِلَايَتُهُ عَامَّةً فِي أَعْمَالٍ خَاصَّةٍ، وَهُمْ أُمَرَاءُ الْأَقَالِيمِ وَالْبُلْدَانِ؛ لِأَنَّ النَّظَرَ فِيمَا خُصُّوا بِهِ مِنَ الْأَعْمَالِ عَامٌّ فِي جَمِيعِ الْأُمُورِ.

(ii) those who had general powers in specific wilayat (government functions), namely the amirs of provinces (الأَقالِيم) and districts (البُلْدان), who had the right of supervision of all affairs in the particular area with which they were charged;

وَالْقِسْمُ الثَّالِثُ: مَنْ تَكُونُ وِلَايَتُهُ خَاصَّةً فِي الْأَعْمَالِ الْعَامَّةِ، وَهُمْ كَقَاضِي الْقُضَاةِ وَنَقِيبِ الْجُيُوشِ وَحَامِي الثُّغُورِ وَمُسْتَوْفِي الْخَرَاجِ وَجَابِي الصَّدَقَاتِ؛ لِأَنَّ كُلَّ وَاحِدٍ مِنْهُمْ مَقْصُورٌ عَلَى نَظَرٍ خَاصٍّ فِي جَمِيعِ الْأَعْمَالِ.

(iii) those who had specific powers in the wilayat (government functions) generally, such as the qādī al-qudāt [chief judge], the commander in chief (naqīb al-jaysh), the warden of the frontiers (hāmī al-thughūr), the collector of kharāj, and the collector of sadaqāt; and

وَالْقِسْمُ الرَّابِعُ: مَنْ تَكُونُ وِلَايَتُهُ خَاصَّةً فِي الْأَعْمَالِ الْخَاصَّةِ، وَهُمْ كَقَاضِي بَلَدٍ أَوْ إقْلِيمٍ أَوْ مُسْتَوْفِي خَرَاجِهِ أَوْ جَابِي صَدَقَاتِهِ أَوْ حَامِي ثَغْرِهِ أَوْ نَقِيبِ جُنْدٍ؛ لِأَنَّ كُلَّ وَاحِدٍ مِنْهُمْ خَاصُّ النَّظَرِ مَخْصُوصُ الْعَمَلِ، وَلِكُلِّ وَاحِدٍ مِنْ هَؤُلَاءِ الْوُلَاةِ شُرُوطٌ تَنْعَقِدُ بِهَا وِلَايَتُهُ، وَيَصِحُّ مَعَهَا نَظَرُهُ، وَنَحْنُ نَذْكُرُهَا فِي أَبْوَابِهَا وَمَوَاضِعِهَا بِمَشِيئَةِ اللَّهِ وَتَوْفِيقِهِ

(iv) those who had al-wilāyāt al-khāssa (specific government functions) in specific districts, such as the qādī of a town (بَلَد) or district (إِقْلِيم), the collector of kharāj or sadaqāt of a district, the warden of a specific frontier district or the naqīb of a local military force.”[9]

These four types of officials cover all executive and judicial appointments by the caliph. This provides the flexibility to create as many institutions as are necessary to run the state at any particular period in time.

An important point to note is that the bay’ah contract is to the caliph and not his wakeels. Therefore Al-Mawardi stipulates that the Imam should not over-delegate his authority. He says, “He [Imam] must personally take over the surveillance of affairs and the scrutiny of circumstances such that he may execute the policy of the Ummah and defend the nation without over-reliance on delegation of authority (Al-Tafwid) – by means of which he might devote himself to pleasure-seeking or worship – for even the trustworthy may deceive and counsellors behave dishonestly.”[10]

For the purposes of this discussion, we will be focussing on the second category of appointments namely the amirs of provinces and districts i.e. the governors and mayors.

Devolution can also be seen in the actions of the Prophet ﷺ in his role as a ruler-prophet in Medina. No ruler, not even a prophet can rule a state by himself, so he ﷺ delegated out certain functions to various officials including army commanders, naqibs, governors, judges, tax collectors and scribes as listed above by Al-Mawardi in order to aid in the running of the state.

Notes


[1] Hashim Kamali, ‘Citizenship and Accountability of Government: An Islamic Perspective,’ The Islamic Texts Society, 2011, p.197

[2] Muhammad Khayr Haykal, ‘Al-Jihad wa’l Qital fi as-Siyasa ash-Shar’iyya,’ vol.1, The Eighth Study, Qitaal Mughtasib As-Sultah (Fighting the usurper of the authority)

[3] Holy Qur’an, Surah Al-Ma’ida, ayah 48

[4] Sahih Muslim 1842a, https://sunnah.com/muslim:1842a ; sahih Bukhari 3455, https://sunnah.com/bukhari:3455

[5] Imam here means the khaleefah i.e. the great Imam الْإِمَامُ الْأَعْظَمُ. Ibn Hajar, Fath al Bari, https://shamela.ws/book/1673/7543#p1    

[6] Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī 7138, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 1829

[7] Abdul-Qadeem Zallum, ‘The Ruling System in Islam,’ translation of Nizam ul-Hukm fil Islam, Khilafah Publications, Fifth Edition, p.111

[8] Hashim Kamali, ‘Separation of powers: An Islamic perspective,’ IAIS Malaysia, p.473; https://icrjournal.org/index.php/icr/article/view/370/348

[9] Ann K. S. Lambton, ‘State and Government in Medieval Islam,’ Oxford University Press, 1981, p.95; Arabic original: https://shamela.ws/book/22881/44

[10] Abu l-Hasan al-Mawardi, The Laws of Islamic Governance, translation of Al-Ahkam as-Sultaniyah, Ta Ha Publishers, p.28, https://shamela.ws/book/22881/35

Bay’ah through Domination

  1. Yazid ibn Mu’awiya and Abdul-Malik ibn Marwan gain power through force
  2. What enabled this abnormal situation to become the norm?
  3. Notes

The last way of appointing a caliph by the ummah is where a usurper or dominant sultan takes power by force. Since the ummah in origin has not consented to this dominant sultan then he cannot be a caliph and the bay’ah would be considered batil as one of its pillars (rukn) is missing. The bay’ah is a contract and must conform to the rules of contracts in Islam which is free choice and consent of both parties.

If the ummah and her representatives decide to accept the legitimacy of this ruler, then the bay’ah will become legally convened. Ibn Hajar says, “The jurists have unanimously agreed that it is obligatory to obey the dominant sultan and jihad with him, and that obedience to him is better than revolting against him because of that of shedding blood and pacifying the masses.”[1]

Such a situation has been permitted by the ‘ulema but it is an emergency situation and should not be the norm. If this occurred in a future Islamic state due to the removal of a corrupt caliph in a coup d’etat for instance, then elections need to be held as soon as is feasibly possible because the ummah is the source of authority not the dominant sultan.

Shaykh Khudari Bak says, “There is a fourth way [of bay’ah] which the scholars after the first era instituted for the establishment of the imamate, and that is by way of dominance. This happens when the Muslims have no imam, there are differences among them, and they cannot agree on a particular person. In such a situation, it is lawful for a person who knows that he has the capacity to lead the Muslim community because of his knowledge or the influence of his tribe, to demand this post of caliph. He would hence oblige the people to obey him, whether they responded willingly or by force. Once the situation subsides and his claim is accepted, his caliphate will be established and obedience to him will become obligatory.”[2]

Dr. Wahbah Az-Zuhaili says “Subjugation (Al-Qahr) is an exceptional circumstance which does not conform to the origin which dictates that the authority be established by choice. Approving or accepting it, is based upon giving consideration to a situation that has befallen due to the necessity (Daroorah) and to prevent the shedding of blood …”[3]

Muhammad Haykal says, “Likewise, in respect to the method of gaining mastery (At-Taghallub), the Mutaghallib (one who takes over the rule by force) does not become the caliph by the mere taking control over the authority. Rather, he would only become the caliph at a time when the people accept him (by choice) and give the bay’ah to him. If they refuse to give him the bay’ah (pledge) he would remain a ruler who has usurped the authority.

That is just like when a person usurps a commodity from another and then if that other accepts and sells it to him (the usurper) the ownership of the property would be transferred to him. However, if the owner remains adamant about not selling the commodity to the usurper, then the one refusing remains the rightful Shar’i (legal) owner of the commodity. The usurper would remain as such irrespective of how much time passes over his usurpation.”[4]

Yazid ibn Mu’awiya and Abdul-Malik ibn Marwan gain power through force

Two examples of the use of force to take the bay’ah during the Umayyad Caliphate, are the rule of Yazid ibn Mu’awiya (r.60-64H/680-683CE) and Abdul-Malik ibn Marwan (r.73-86H/692-705CE).

There is ikhtilaaf (difference of opinion) among the ulema on Yazid’s legitimacy. Many scholars accept he was a legitimate caliph such as Al-Dhahabi, but that he was sinful and blameworthy for the oppression and persecution he committed against the sahaba, and the murder of al-Hussain and his family. Others such as Ibn Al-Jawzi reject his legitimacy and call him a usurper, because he never had a legally convened bay’ah that was given through free choice and consent by the majority of the Ahlul hali wal-aqd (political representatives of the ummah). The strongest opinion seems to be that of Ibn Al-Jawzi that Yazid was not a legitimate caliph.

It was mentioned in the Tafseer of Al-Alusi: “Ibn al-Jawzi (May Allah’s mercy be upon him) stated in his book: ‘As-Sirr ul-Masun’: “From the general beliefs that is prevalent amongst those attributed to the Sunnah is that they say: That Yazid was in the right and that Al-Hussain (ra) was wrong to rebel against him. Had they examined the Seerahs they would have become aware of how the bay’ah was contracted to him and that the people were compelled with it! And that he did every ugly (or abominable) act. If we would have evaluated the Sihhah (correctness and validity) of the bay’ah contract, then there appeared from it all that would oblige the annulment of the contract. Nobody inclines to that view except every ignorant person, blind in the Madhhab who believes that by adopting that opinion he is being harsh against the Rawaafid (i.e. Shi’ah).”[5]

With regards to Abdul-Malik, Suyuti summarises his bay’ah. “He received the bay’ah according to his father’s contract during the Caliphate of Ibn Al-Zubayr, but his Caliphate was not valid and he remained as the usurper (mutaghallib) of Egypt and Syria. He then seized Iraq and its provinces before Ibn Al-Zubayr was killed in 73H/692CE. From that day, his Caliphate became valid and his authority firmly established.”[6]

This then explains the difference between the bay’ah to Yazid ibn Mu’awiya and Abdul-Malik ibn Marwan who were both usurpers. The bay’ah to Yazid was never legally convened because the Ahlul hali wal-aqd never gave bay’ah through free choice and consent. Whereas with Abdul-Malik, the Ahlul hali wal-aqd in Hijaz and Iraq, finally agreed to give bay’ah once Abdullah ibn Al-Zubayr had been killed by Abdul-Malik’s infamous commander, Hajjaj bin Yusuf. Among those who gave bay’ah to Abdul-Malik after Ibn Al-Zubayr’s death were Abdullah ibn Umar and his family in Madinah.

Bukhari narrates from Abdullah bin Dinar: “I witnessed Ibn Umar when the people gathered around Abdul Malik. Ibn Umar wrote: ‘I gave the bay’ah that I will listen to and obey Allah’s Slave, Abdul-Malik, Ameer of the believers according to Allah’s Laws and the Traditions of His Messenger as much as I can; and my sons too, give the same pledge.’”[7]

There are numerous examples in Islamic history of rulers taking power and then the ummah consenting to their rule, legitimising the bay’ah. This occurred not just in the Umayyad period but also in the Abbasid and Ottoman Caliphates.

What enabled this abnormal situation to become the norm?

Rashid Rida answers this question. “You know now that what enabled—and enables—tyrants to rule is nothing but the partisan support of their own kin. Tyrants are motivated purely by a desire for power. Their aim in fighting is not to glorify Allah’s word, nor is it to establish the scales of truth and justice for all people. This community has had its affairs corrupted and its power stripped by nothing other than:

• people assuming that obedience to unjust and violent rulers is an absolute obligation under the shari‘ah

• people assuming that the rule of tyranny is lawful under the shari‘ah

• people assuming that the rule of a tyrant has the same legal validity as the rule of a rightful imam, an imam whose rule rests on a pledge of allegiance given by those in authority and those who loose and bind who elected him

• every unjust tyrant restricting authority and power and might to his own family by asserting that the right to appoint his son, or someone else among his kin, is his entitlement under the shari‘ah, and a principle to be observed in and of itself

• the failure to see how Mu‘awiyah’s designation of his son Yazid as his successor differed from Abu Bakr As-Siddiq’s designation of ‘Umar bin al-Khattab. Yazid was a dissolute wrongdoer, and Mu‘awiyah’s designation of him was rejected by the Muslims. ‘Umar, the just imam, was a man of great virtue. Abu Bakr consulted with the people who loose and bind, persuading them and receiving their consent before designating him.”[8]

Notes


[1] Ibn Hajar, Fath Al-Bari (13/7)

[2] Shaykh Muhammad Al-Khudari Bak Al-Bajuri, The History of the Four Caliphs, Itmam al-Wafa fi Sirat al-Khulafa’, Turath Publishing, p.27

[3] Al-Fiqh ul-Islaamiy Wa Adillatuhu: 6/682

[4] Muhammad Khayr Haykal, ‘Al-Jihad wa’l Qital fi as-Siyasa ash-Shar’iyya,’ vol.1, The Eighth Study, Qitaal Mughtasib As-Sultah (Fighting the usurper of the authority)

[5] Tafseer Aloosi (Ruh Al-Maani), 26/73

[6] Jalal ad-Din as-Suyuti, ‘History of the Umayyad Khaleefahs,’ translated by T.S.Andersson, Ta Ha Publishers, p.45

[7] Sahih al-Bukhari 7203, https://sunnah.com/bukhari:7203

[8] Muhammad Rashid Rida, ‘The Caliphate or Supreme Imamate,’ Translated by Simon A Wood, Yale University Press, 2024, p.98; Original Arabic: https://shamela.ws/book/9682

4 ways of appointing a caliph

Dr. Wahbah Az-Zuhaili (d.2015) mentions four ways of appointing a caliph. He says, “The Fuqaha’ of Islam have mentioned four ways in respect to the manner of appointing the highest ruler for the state and these are:

  1. An-Nass (the text)[1]
  2. Al-Bay’ah
  3. Wilayat ul-‘Ahd (designated successor)
  4. Coercion (Al-Qahr) and force (Al-Ghalabah).

We will see that the correct Islamic method, in accordance with the principle of Shura and the principle of collective obligations, is one method, which is the bay’ah of the Ahlul hali wal-aqd, and the inclusion of the ummah’s approval of his (caliph) choice. As for anything other than that, its basis is weak due to arbitrary interpretation of texts, or reliance on weak texts and personal whims, or approval of an existing reality that Muslims did not find wisdom or interest in revolting against, or eliminating its existence to stop the bloodshed and prevent chaos, and taking into account external circumstances, or fear of the ferocity of the one holding power that came to him through illegitimate means such as inheritance and the like.”[2]

Shaykh Khudari Bak (d.1927) in a similar manner lists the same ways of appointing an Imam as Wahbah Az-Zuhaili, with the exception of the textual method adopted by the shia. In regards to the bay’ah, he splits this in to two parts – specific and general shura.

“These three ways of choosing the imam (general shura, specific shura of a group chosen by the previous imam, or succession to the post) are the three ways which were practised in the first era of Islam.

There is a fourth way which the scholars after the first era instituted for the establishment of the imamate, and that is by way of dominance. This happens when the Muslims have no imam, there are differences among them, and they cannot agree on a particular person. In such a situation, it is lawful for a person who knows that he has the capacity to lead the Muslim community because of his knowledge or the influence of his tribe, to demand this post of caliph. He would hence oblige the people to obey him, whether they responded willingly or by force. Once the situation subsides and his claim is accepted, his caliphate will be established and obedience to him will become obligatory.”[3]

As the source of authority, only bay’ah through shura gives true consent and free choice to the ummah. In the other three ways i.e. text, designated succession and the dominant ruler, the ummah and her representatives may give consent and accept the status quo but this should not be the norm. Rashid Ridda says, “Nor should people allow power to become like a ball that tyrants can kick back and forth between themselves, and receive from each other. Those living in nations who have been wronged allowed that to happen, assenting to that because they were ignorant of the power that was latent within themselves. They did not realize that the power wielded by their monarchs and emirs was actually their own.”[4]

Notes


[1] This is the shia position

[2] Dr. Wahbah Az-Zuhaili, al-Fiqh al-Islami wa Adilataha, 6/673, https://shamela.ws/book/384/5968

[3] Shaykh Muhammad Al-Khudari Bak Al-Bajuri, The History of the Four Caliphs, Itmam al-Wafa fi Sirat al-Khulafa’, Turath Publishing, p.27

[4] Muhammad Rashid Rida, ‘The Caliphate or Supreme Imamate,’ Translated by Simon A Wood, Yale University Press, 2024, p.91; Original Arabic: https://shamela.ws/book/9682